Bulletin N° 1024




The film begins in the early part of the 20th century, when Mohandas K. Gandhi (Ben Kingsley), a British-trained lawyer, forsakes all worldly possessions to take up the cause of Indian independence. Faced with armed resistance from the British government, Gandhi adopts a policy of "passive resistance," endeavoring to win freedom for his people without resorting to bloodshed. In the horrendous "slaughter" sequence, more extras appear on screen than in any previous historical epic.




Subject: The Harvests of Inequality.



February 10, 2022


Dear Colleagues and Friends of CEIMSA,


For a long time it has been accepted as a truism by many people around the world that “war is organized crime.” The mass slaughter in periods of war is undeniable, and these crimes are rarely accounted for. But war by other means - as “diplomacy” is sometimes called - has taken the on the same character. The deliberate destruction of the Soviet Union, with financial manipulations that caused the excess deaths of over 10 million people in the 1990s (according to United Nations reports), is only one case which serves to exemplify this platitude. Indeed, war is organized crime, and any contemporary understanding of the central status of the world’s Military-Industrial Complex can easily lead us to the following conclusion, that capitalism is organized crime.

The non-marxist, radical historian, Barrington Moore, Jr. has illustrated this conclusion in his uncompromised appraisal of the violence that has accompanied capitalist expansion over the past centuries. In the sixth chapter of his comparative history, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the making of the Modern World (1966), the author turns to India, where the historic absence of both a “bourgeois revolution” and a “peasant revolution” brought about a unique democratic experience accompanied by a hidden violence that is hardly called to our attention, but is none-the-less criminal. Moore adopts the descriptive label for the “modern” capitalist system of India, “parasitic capitalism,” which he describes as a chain of exploitative relationships that extends beyond the poorest households, where the poor are living off the poorer. 

The human degradation he describes is matched only by the infinite capacity for metaphysical delusions, in the form of ideologies which are endlessly promoted by the ruling classes.

The sixth chapter of his radical comparative study is titled “Democracy in Asia: India and the Price of Peaceful Change.” Here Moore tries to come to terms with the failure of the capitalist revolution to penetrate the rural economy of India.

     What is the ultimate reason for this continuing stagnation and very halting progress, we may legitimately ask, as we leave the village behind and strive to gain a final perspective on the whole question. The proximate cause seems quite clearly to be the relative failure of a market economy to penetrate very far into the countryside and put the peasants into a new situation to which they seem quite capable of responding with a sharp rise in output. The structure of village society is only a secondary obstacle, one that changes in response external circumstances. To concentrate on local resistances, to send endless teams of anthropologists out to study the countryside, amounts to diverting attention from the main sources of difficulty, the makers of government policy in Delhi. More about that in a moment. Behind the weak push of the market lies the failure to channel into industrial construction the resources that agriculture does generate. One further step, taken with a glance at other countries, shows that the course of historical development in India was such that no class grew up with any very strong interest in rechanneling the agricultural surplus in such a way as to get the process of industrial growth started. The Nationalist movement owed its popular slogan to the peasantry and was, through Gandhi, suffused with its ideology.

     This is about as far as a sociological analysis can penetrate. My own strong suspicion is that it already goes too far and that Nehru personally ought to bear a very large share of the blame. Too great a concentration on circumstances and objective difficulties leads to the mistake of forgetting that great political leaders are the ones who accomplish important institutional changes despite such obstacles. Nehru was a very powerful political leader. To deny that he had a great deal of room to maneuver seems absurd. Yet on the most decisive question of all, his policy was one of rhetoric and drift. The atmosphere of action became a substitute for action. On this score at least, Indian democracy is not alone.

     In response to such an assessment, the Western liberal observer almost automatically responds that even if Indian agrarian policy, indeed her economic policy as a whole, has been rather long on talk and quite short on accomplishments, at least there has not been brutality of communist  modernization. Some sacrifice in speed, the argument runs, is necessary for the sake for democracy.

     This comfortable generalization overlooks the dreadful costs in human suffering that a policy of fesina lente imposes in the Indian situation. To measure these costs in cold statistics is impossible. But a few figures will give a rough notion of their magnitude. In 1924 and 1926 the all Indian Conference of Medical Research Workers estimated that India suffered from five to six million deaths a year from preventable diseases alone. After the famine of 1943, the Bengal Famine Commission concluded that about a million and a half deaths occurred ‘as a direct result of the Famine and the epidemics that followed in its train. Though wartime disruption contributed to the tragic results, fundamentally the famine was a product of the structure of Indian society. The enormous death toll refers only to those who have fallen below the line that separates success from failure in sheer biological survival. By themselves such figures say nothing about the disease, squalor, filth, and brutish ignorance perpetrated by religious beliefs among millions above the line. The upward thrust of population means also that the threat of death on a massive scale will hover in the background unless the rate of improvement rises sharply.

     In addition it is necessary to point out that if democracy means the opportunity to play a meaningful part as a rational human being in determining one’s own fate in life, democracy does not yet exist in the Indian countryside. The Indian peasant has not yet acquired the material and intellectual prerequisites for democratic society. The panchayat ‘revival,’ as I have indicated earlier, is mainly romantic rhetoric. Actually the Community Development Program has been imposed from above. Those who work in it have tended to shed much of the romantic idealism, to conclude that democratic processes are ‘too slow’ and to orient their behavior toward ‘results’ – often shallow statistical ones such as the number of compost pits dug – that will satisfy their superiors.

     By itself, the fact that the Program has been imposed from above is not bad. It is the content of programs that matters. One can criticize bureaucratic leadership in the abstract only from a conception of democracy that excluded any interference whatever with the way human beings conduct their lives, no matter how ignorant or how cruel these people are as a consequence of their history. Anyone who holds this formalist conception of democracy would have to accept the fact that large sections of the Indian peasantry do not want economic development. They do not want it for reasons I have tried to explain. The only consistent program, from this standpoint, would be to dismantle any program and let the Indian peasants wallow in filth and disease until they starved. The results are scarcely likely to please any kind of democratic theorist.

     More realistic policies might be grouped around the kinds of interference used and the costs of using one kind versus another. Whether any particular one will be adopted or none, with the Indian state breaking up along its present lines of cleavage, is another kind of question I do not propose to discuss.

     If the prevailing policy in its essential outlines continues , as far as can be foreseen it should result in a very slow rate of improvement, mainly through the action of the top stratum of the peasantry continuing to go over to peasant forms of commercial farming. The danger has already been pointed out: the steady swelling of an urban and rural proletariat on an ever larger scale. This policy could in time perhaps generate its own antithesis, though the difficulties of a radical takeover in India are enormous.

     Much more desirable from a democratic standpoint could be for the government to harness and use these same tendencies for its own purposes. That would mean discarding the Gandhian doctrines (perhaps not so unlikely in the new administrative generation now coming to power), allowing the upper strata in the countryside free rein, but taxing their profits and organizing the market and credit mechanism in such a way as to drive out the moneylender. If the government in this way succeeded in tapping the present surplus generated in agriculture and encouraging the growth of much bigger one, it could do a great deal more about industry on its own resources. As industry grew, it would sop up much of the surplus labor released in the countryside and spread the market ever more rapidly in a continually accelerating process. The efforts to bring technology and modern resources to the peasant’s doorstep would then bear fruit.

     The third possibility would be to go over to much wider use of compulsion, more or less approaching the communist model. Even if it could be tried in India, it seems highly unlikely that it should work. Under Indian conditions for a long time to come, no political leadership – no matter how intelligent, dedicated, and ruthless – could, it seems to me, put through a revolutionary agrarian policy. The country is too diverse and too amorphous still, though that will gradually change. The administrative and political problems of forcing through a collectivization program against the barriers of cast and tradition in fourteenth languages seems too formidable to require further discussion.

     Only one line of policy then seems to offer real hope, which to repeat, implies no prediction that it will be the one adopted. In any case, a strong element of coercion remains necessary if a change is to be made. Barring some technical miracle that will enable every Indian peasant to grow abundant food in a glass of water or a bowl of sand, labor will have to be applied much more effectively, technical advances introduced, and means found to get food to the dwellers in the cities. Either masked coercion on a massive scale, as in the capitalist model including even Japan, or more direct coercion approaching the socialist model will remain necessary. The tragic fact of the matter is that the poor bear the heaviest costs of modernization under both socialist and capitalist auspices. The only justification for imposing the costs is that they would become steadily worse off without it. As the situation stands, the dilemma is indeed a cruel one. It is possible to have the greatest sympathy for those responsible for facing it. To deny that it exists is, on the other hand, the acme of both intellectual and political irresponsibility. (pp.406-410)

Moore bases his dire conclusions about Indian society on an analysis of the historic origins of limitations on the political economy in this region of the world. He begins this study with the following observations:

Relevance of the Indian Experience.

     That India belongs to two worlds is a familiar platitude that happens to be true. Economically it remains in the preindustrial age. It has not had an industrial revolution in either of the two capitalist variants discussed so far, nor according to the communist one. There has been no bourgeois revolution, no conservative revolution from above, no peasant revolution. But as a political species it does belong to the modern world. At the time of Nehru’s death in 1964 political democracy had existed for seventeen years. If imperfect, the democracy was no mere sham. There had been a working parliamentary system since Independence in 1947, an independent judiciary, and the standard liberal freedoms: free general elections in which the governing party had accepted defeat in an important part of the country, civilian control over the military, a head of state that made very limited use of formal extensive powers. There is a paradox here, but only a superficial one. Political democracy may seem strange in both an Asian setting and one without an industrial revolution until one realizes that the appalling problems facing the Indian government are du to these very facts.

. . .

     There were . . . powerful obstacles to modernization present in the character of Indian society prior to the British conquest. Others came to the surface as a result of this conquest. Others came to the surface as a result of this conquest. During the late eighteenth and the first part of the nineteenth centuries, the British introduced new systems of taxation and land tenure, as well as textiles that may have damaged artisan castes. The British further made visible the whole apparatus of Western scientific culture that was a threat to traditional priestly privilege. The response was the Mutiny of 1857, a reactionary convulsion and unsuccessful effort to expel the British. A deeper and more long-run effect of the introduction of law and order and and taxes, and of an increasing population, was the rise of parasitic landlordism. Despite poor cultivation, the peasant did generate a substantial economic surplus. The British presence, the failure of the Mutiny, the character of Indian society ruled out the Japanese solution to backwardness: rule by a new section of the native élite which used this surplus as the basis for industrial growth. Instead, in India the foreign conqueror, the landlord, and the moneylender absorbed and dissipated this surplus. Hence economic stagnation continued throughout the British era and indeed into the present day.

On the other hand, the British presence prevented the formulation of the characteristic reactionary coalition of landed élite with a weak bourgeoisie and thereby, along with British cultural influences, made an important contribution toward political democracy. British authority rested heavily on the landed upper classes. The native bourgeoisie, especially the manufacturers, on the other hand felt cramped by  British policies, particularly on free trade, and sought to exploit a protected Indian market. As the nationalist movement grew and looked for a mass basis, Gandhi provided a link between powerful sections of the bourgeoisie and the peasantry through the doctrine of nonviolence, trusteeship, and the glorification of the Indian village community. For this and other reasons, the nationalist movement did not take a revolutionary form, though civil disobedience forced the withdrawal of the weakened British empire. The outcome of these forces was indeed political democracy, but a democracy that has not done a great deal toward modernizing India’s social structure. Hence famine still lurks in the background.(pp.314-316)

Mogul India: Obstacles to Democracy.

     The last of the many conqueror’s that invaded India before the Western impact were the Moguls, a name applied to one large segment of the followers of the great Mongol leader, Genghis Khan. Early in the sixteenth century the first of their leaders invaded India. They reached the height of their power under Akbar (1556-1605), a contemporary of Queen Elisabeth I, though subsequent rulers did extend the territory under their control. By the end of the sixteenth century, an appropriate starting point for out account, this Islamic dynasty controlled the lion’s share of India, approximately down the peninsula to a line running east and west somewhat north of Bombay.  Hindu kingdoms to the south remained independent. As the Moguls adapted their rule to Hindu circumstances, there was little difference between them, beyond the fact that, at its best, the Mogul territory was better governed.

     According to a well-known description, the fundamental features of the traditional Indian polity were a sovereign who ruled, an army that supported the throne, and a peasantry that paid for both. To this trio one must add, for an adequate comprehension of Indian society, the notion of cast. For the moment we my describe the cast system as the organization of the population into hereditary and endogamous groups in which the males perform the same type of social function, such as that of priest, warrior, artisan, cultivator, and the like. Religious notions of pollution sanction this division of society into theoretically watertight and hierarchically ordered compartments. Cast served, and still serves, to organize the life of the village community, the basic cell of Indian society and the fundamental unit into which it tended to disintegrate wherever and whenever a strong ruler was lacking.

     This institutional complex of village communities organized by cast, supporting by their taxes an army that was the main prop of the ruler, has proved to be a hardy one. It characterized the Indian polity throughout the British period. Even under Independence and Nehru, much of the Mogul system has remained intact.  

     Essentially the political and social system of the Mogul was an agrarian bureaucracy, imposed on top of a heterogeneous collection of naive chieftains differing widely in resources and power. As Mogul authority weakened in the eighteenth century, it reverted to looser forms. Under Akbar and succeeding strong rulers, there was no landed aristoctacy of national scope independent of the crown, at least not in theory and to a considerable extent not in fact.(pp.317-318)

. . .

     In general, the attitude of the political authorities in India toward the merchant seems to have been closer to that of  the spider toward the fly than that of the cowherd toward his cow that was widespread in Europe at the same time. Not even Akbar, the most enlightened of the Moguls, had a Colbert. In the Hindu areas the situation was probably somewhat worse. Local authorizes, such as the governor of a town, might at times take a different view, though they too were under pressure to make and spend their fortunes rapidly. All in all, I believe it safe to conclude that the establishment of peace and order (of a sort) did not create a situation in which the”rise of mercantile influences could undermine the agrarian order to the extent that it did in Japan. The Mogul system was too predatory for that; not because its rulers and officers were necessarily more vicious as human beings (though some of the later rulers were drug sodden and bloodthirsty, perhaps out of boredom and hopelessness), but because the system put the ruler and his servants in a situation where greedy behavior was often the only kind that made sense.(pp.323-324)

. . .

     As one looks back over the record, it is easy to conclude – perhaps a trifle too easy – that the dynamics of the Mogul system were unfavorable to the development of either political democracy or economic growth in anything resembling the Western pattern. There was no landed aristocracy that had succeeded in achieving independence and privilege against the monarch while retaining political unity. Instead their independence, if it can be called that, had brought anarchy in its train. What there was of a bourgeoisie likewise lacked an independent base. Both features are connected with a predatory bureaucracy, driven to become ever more grasping as its power weakened, and which by crushing the peasants and driving them into rebellion returned the subcontinent to what it had often been before, a series of fragmented units fighting with one another, ready prey for another foreign conqueror. (pp.329-330)


Village Society: Obstacles to Rebellion.

     The character of the upper classes and political institutions have suggested some reasons why there was not in India the kind of economic and political movement toward capitalism and political democracy that parts of Europe displayed from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. A closer look at the place of the peasants in Indian society will help to account for two further features that have been of the utmost importance: widespread poor cultivation, which contrasts in the sharpest possible manner with the gardenlike peasant agriculture in China and Japan, and the apparent political docility of the Indian peasants. Though there were exceptions to this docility, best discussed in a separate section, peasant rebellions never assumed remotely the same significance in India that they did in China.

     Crops and ways of growing them were very much the same in Akbar’s time as they still are today over wide sections of India. Rice was prominent in Bengal. Northern India in general grew cereals, millets and pulses.  . . . It is often claimed that the unpredictability of natural forces has made the Indian peasant passive and apathetic and prevented the transition to intensive peasant cultivation. I doubt this very much. China has been as much subject to intermittent famine as India, yet her peasants are universally recognized for their energy and careful cultivation from quite early times.

     By contrast, Indian practices appear wasteful and inefficient, even if one makes considerable allowance for ethnocentric bias in the early British accounts. Technology too seems to have been stagnant. Agricultural implements and techniques did not change significantly between Akbar’s time and the early twentieth century. A light plow, drawn by bullocks, was and remains today the most important implement. The cow has thus been a source of power, of food (not of course meat), and fuel, as well as an object of religious veneration. The advantages of transplanting rice were known, at least in some areas, in the early part of the nineteenth century and very likely earlier. But, in contrast with Japan, the organization of the work was so poor that the cultivators obtained only limited benefits. ‘About half of the whole [crop] is finally transplanted in the first month of the season,’ Buchanan reported in 1809-1810 for one district in the northeast corner of Bengal, ‘and is extremely productive; five-eighths of the rest are transplanted in the second month and give an indifferent crop; and three-eighths are transplanted in third month, making so miserable a return that the practice would seem to be bad economy, but the people would otherwise be idle.

    Buchanan, one of the few sources to give details on agricultural practices at this time, also tells us that, instead of rotating crops, the cultivator’s in this district often mixed several crops on the same field. This was a crude form of insurance; though none of the cops grew well, seldom did all of them fail. In another district on the banks of the Ganges it was common practice, again in sharp contrast with Japan, to sow large quantities of seed broadcast on dry earth without previous preparation of the soil, a practice he also noticed in the area just mentioned. Throughout Bucanan’s reports there runs the same theme of inefficient cultivation and low productivity that occurs in the earlier French accounts of the situation under the Moguls.

     It is quite possible that the relative abundance of land may have been an important cause of both poor cultivation and the character of peasant opposition through much of Indian history prior to the British. Land in many places was plentiful and waiting for men with resources to cultivate it. Peasants, as we saw, often responded to an oppressive ruler’ simply by absconding en masses. In the words of a recent authority flight was ‘the first answer to famine or man’s oppression.’ Oppression and abundance of land interacting with each other in this way account quite well for the wide areas of uncultivated and badly cultivated land that occur very frequently in the accounts of late Mogul and early British times. (pp.330-332)

Another factor which explains the historic inefficiency of Indian agriculture, according to Barrington Moore, is the traditional system of taxation.

 Like his counterpart in Japan, the Indian peasant was to the ruling classes mainly a producer of revenue. The Japanese tax, we saw, was a fixed assessment on the land, enabling energetic peasants to keep a surplus. Mogul and Indian taxation was mainly a fixed proportion of the crop. Thus in India the more the peasant grew, the more he had to turn over to the tax collector. Furthermore the Mogul system of tax farming contained a built-in temptation to squeeze the peasants heavily. Very likely this difference had a decisive influence on the character of the peasantry in the two counties.

. . .

     The organization of labor in the Indian peasant community also differed from that in Japan in a manner that helps to explain the relatively low level of cultivation. Here we encounter directly the cast system, which will shortly require fuller discussion. For the moment it is enough to recall that the Japanese system before it began to change in late Tokugawa times was based mainly on pseudokinship ties. The Indian one was based instead on the exchange of labor and services of food between castes who had land and those who had little or none. Though closer to the modern system of hired labor, the Indian arrangement too was supported by custom and what we can loosely call traditional sentiments. It appears to have had some of the disadvantages of both customary systems based on emotional loyalties and modern ones without their respective advantages, and to have inhibited both changes in the division of labor and its intensive application to a specific task. On account of the flexibility of caste in actual practice, it should be unwise to press this point too far, though the tendency seems clear. Close supervision in the modern fashion was difficult. So was the cooperation found in many tightly knit traditional work groups. Most Indian laborers were at the very bottom of the cast system and in large measure excluded from the village community, as shown by the designation ‘untouchable.’ Strikes of the modern sort, the untouchables scarcely knew, partly because laborers were broken up into different casts, but ‘dilution  of labor they understood,’ as a modern authority puts it. This was one of the reasons for lackadaisical cultivation. Another was the fact that higher castes often preferred smaller returns, with less trouble and supervision, to standing over workers and trying to compel them to improve their ways.

     A few word of caution are in order before going further into the question of caste and its political implications. At least in its full ramifications, the caste system is unique to Indian civilization. For this reason there is a strong temptation to use caste as an explanation for everything else that seems distinctive in Indian society. Obviously this will not do. For example, caste in older studies has been used to explain the apparent absence of religious warfare in India. Yet in modern times – not to mention Hindu resistance to Moslem proselytism in earlier days – religious warfare has taken on terrible proportions while caste has remained. Caste, and the theory of reincarnation, which forms an important part of caste doctrines, has also been used to explain the apparent political docility of the Indian peasants, the feebleness of the revolutionary upsurge in modern times. Yet we have seen that this upsurge was an important component of the forces that bought down the Mogul edifice. Nor is it altogether absent in later days. Still the overall evidence of submissiveness remains overwhelming. That caste has played a part in creating and supporting this behavior I see no sense in denying. Rather, the problem is to understand the mechanisms that produced passive acceptance.

     The standard explanation, runs about as follows. According to the theory of reincarnation, a person who obeyed the requirements of caste etiquette in his life would be born into a higher caste in the next. Submissiveness in this life was to be rewarded by a rise in the social scale in the next. This explanation required us to believe that the ordinary Indian pedant accepted the rationalizations put forth by urban priestly classes. Perhaps the Brahmans did succeed in this way to some extent. But it can only be a small part of the story. As far as it is possible to recover the attitude of the peasants toward the Brahman, it is fairly clear that the peasants did not passively and wholeheartedly accept the Brahman as a model of all that was good and desirable. Their attitude toward the monopolist of supernatural power seems to have been a mixture of admiration, fear, and hostility, much like that of many French peasants toward the Catholic priests. ‘There are three blood suckers in this world,’ runs a North Indian proverb, ‘the flea, the bug and the Brahman.’ Since the Brahman exacted payment for his services to the village, there were good reasons for this hostility. ‘The farmer does not reap his harvest without paying the Brahman to perform some ceremony; a tradesman cannot begin a business without a fee to a Brahman, a fisherman cannot build a new boat nor begin to fish . . . without a ceremony and a fee. Secular sanctions were obviously part of the caste system. And in a general way we know that human attitudes and beliefs fail to persist unless the situations and sanctions that reproduce them continue to persist or, more crassly, unless people get something out of them. To these concrete supports we must obviously turn if we are to understand caste.

     The first of these was and remains the ownership of land. The universal superiority of the Brahman is a priestly fiction that does not correspond to the workings of the caste system now and probably has not done so for ages. In modern villages the economically dominant group is also the dominant caste. In one village it may be the Bahaman, in another a peasant caste. Even where the Brahmans are on top, it is because of their economic function , not their priestly one. Thus we see that caste has had and still has an economic base and a religious explanation and that the fit between the two has for long been far from perfect. The caste that holds the land in a particular locality – the caste is a reality only in this local manifestation – is the highest caste. To argue backward from a modern situation is, of course not altogether safe. Before British influence made itself felt very widely and when land was in present-day terms abundant, the economic basis was perhaps less crassly obvious. Nevertheless it was there. The evidence is clear, even for earlier times, that the higher castes often held the best land and could command the labor of the lower castes.

     The main formal instrument for the enforcement of caste regulations was and remains the caste councils, composed of a small group of leaders chosen from the members of each caste in all of the villages inhabiting a certain area. In some parts of India one finds a hierarchy of these councils. The council controls only the behavior of the members of its own caste.

. . .

Caste manifests itself strictly on the local level. Even in the village there is really no central organization with the task of seeing to it that the caste system as such remains in force, i.e., that members of lower castes display the proper deference toward members of the higher ones. The lower castes disciplined themselves. Members of the lower castes had to learn to accept their place in the social order. On this score, the leaders of the lower castes evidently had an important task to perform. For doing so they received quite concrete rewards. Sometimes they received commissions on the wages of laborers from their castes as well as fines from any transgressions of caste regulations.

     The penalty for sever breaches of caste discipline was boycott, that is, denial of the facilities of the village community. In a society where the individual depended almost entirely on these facilities, the organized pattern of cooperation among his fellows, such a penalty was terrible indeed. In due course we shall see how the advent of the modern world has partly mitigated the impact of these sanctions.

     What exactly did this system enforce? Quite obviously a local division of labor and a corresponding distribution of authority and power. But it evidently did a great deal more than this. In pre-British Indian society, and still today in much of the countryside, the fact of being born in a particular caste determined for the individual the entire span of existence, quite literally from before conception until after death. It gave the range of choice for a marital partner in the case of parents, the type of upbringing the offspring would have and their choice of mate in marriage, the work he or she could legitimately undertake, the appropriate religious ceremonies, food, dress, rules of evacuation (which were very important), down to most details of daily living, all organized around a conception of disgust.

     Without this universal supervision and indoctrination it is difficult to imagine how and why the lower castes would accept caste in a way that would make it work without more centrally organized sanctions. It seems to me that its diffuseness and the fact that it extended beyond the areas Westerners consider to be economic and political, even in a broad and loose sense, constituted the essence of caste. Human beings in a wide variety of civilizations have an observable tendency to establish ‘artificial’ distinctions, that is, those that are not derived from the necessities of a rational division of labor or a rational organization of authority, using rational here in the very restricted sense of providing effective social mechanism for performing an immediately given task in such a way as to enable the group to survive. Children elaborate artificial distinctions all the time in Western society. So do aristocrats when freed from the necessities of ruling. Indeed the need to perform a particular task may break down artificial distinctions: military etiquette in the field is generally much less elaborate than it is at headquarters. The reason for this tendency toward snobbishness – highly developed in some of the most ‘primitive’ societies – is not easy to perceive. Though I cannot prove it, I suspect that one of the few lasting and dependable sources of human satisfaction is making other people suffer and that this constitutes the ultimate cause.

     Whatever the origins may be, the fact that in India caste served to organize so wide a range of human activities has had, I would urge, profound political consequences. As a system that arranges life effectively in a specific locality, caste spells indifference to national politics. Government above the village was an excrescence generally imposed by an outsider, not a necessity, something to be borne with patience, not something to be changed when the world is obviously out of joint. Because it had really nothing to do in the village where caste took care of everything, government may have seemed especially predatory. The government was not necessary to keep order. Its role in the maintenance of irrigation systems, pace Marx, was quite minor. Again these were often quite local affairs. The structural contrast with China is quite striking. There the imperial bureaucracy gave cohesion to the society and was what had to be changed when the villagers suffered prolonged disaster. Even so, to put the contrast that way remains on the surface. In China the local gentry needed the imperial bureaucracy as a mechanism for obtaining the economic surpluses out of the peasantry that supported their position locally and nationally. At the local level such an arrangement was unnecessary in India. Caste regulations took its place. Where he exited, the zamindar had won an accepted place in the local scheme of things. He did not need the central government to help him extract his perquisites from the peasantry. Thus the character of the two systems meant that peasant opposition would take different forms in each. In China the main thrust was to replace a ‘bad’ government by a ‘good’ one of the same character; in India it was much more toward getting rid of government above the villages altogether. And in India for the most part we can scarcely speak of a strong thrust in any sense but, rather, a general direction to affairs imposed by the character of the society. By and large, government was more superfluous than actively resisted, though at times resistance occurred as well.

     Because caste has embraced such a wide range of human behavior, there has also been a strong tendency in Indian society for opposition to the prevailing order to take the form of just another caste. It appears quite strikingly in the case of the criminal castes notably the Thugs from whom the English word has come, which were so troublesome to the British in the first half of the nineteenth century. Similarly since caste was expressed very heavily in religious ritual, opposition to the oppressive features of caste was likely to be absorbed into the system in the form of an additional caste. Partly this was true because there was not religious hierarchy comparable to the Roman Catholicism, indeed no very specific orthodoxy that could present a specific target. Thus caste was and indeed remains tremendously persistent and tremendously flexible, in its concrete manifestation, a huge mass of locally coordinated social cells that tolerate novelty by generating another cell. This was the fate that awaited foreign conquerors as in the case of Islam, and even of Europeans. These too became to all intents and purposes a separate caste, though their rating on the scale of disgust was opposite  to that of the scale of political power. Somewhere I have read that good Hindus in early British times always used to take a thorough bath to wash away pollution after having dealings with an Englishman.

     Opposition to the hierarchical system as such, however, was relatively rare even in a veiled form. Much more frequently in British  times and very likely earlier has been the attempt by the caste as a whole to struggle up to a higher rung on the ladder of esteem and disgust by persuading its members to adopt the proper (i.e. Brahman) diet, occupation, and martial practices. To be able to burn widows was a decisive sign that a caste had arrived socially. By providing a form of collective upward mobility that required strict discipline and adherence to norms set by the upper castes. Indian society further limited the possibility of political opposition. Thus the system emphasized the individual’s duty to caste, not individual rights against society. What rights there were against society tended to be group rights , those of the caste. In the willing acceptance of personal degradation by its victims and the absence of a specific target for hostility, a specific locus of responsibility for misery, the Indian caste system strikes a modern Westerner as a curiously intensified caricature of the world as Kafka saw it. To some extent these negative features may be the consequence of distortions introduced into Hindu society by the British occupation. Even if this is so, it is a distortion of features that were present before the British ever appeared, and their character is no small part of the cause of subsequent misery.

     To sum up, at least provisionally and very tentatively, I would suggest that, as an organization of labor, caste in the countryside was a cause of poor cultivation, though certainly not the only one. Furthermore, as the organization of authority in the local community, caste seems much more clearly to have inhibited political unity. By its very flexibility Indian society seems to have rendered fundamental change very difficult. Still, it was not impossible. Indeed the new conquerors that replaced the Moguls were to plant seeds whose fruit neither they not others could have guessed.(pp.332-341)


Changes Produced by the British up to 1857.

     One cannot discuss the impact of the British or Indian society as if it were the result of a uniform cause operating continuously over more than three centuries. British society and the character of the British who went to India changed enormously between Elizabethan times and the twentieth century. Some of the most significant alterations took place roughly during the century 1750-1850. In the middle of the eighteenth century the British were still organized for commerce and plunder in the Honorable East India Company and controlled no more than a small fraction of Indian territory. By the middle of the nineteenth century they had become in effect the rulers of India, organized in a bureaucracy proud of  its tradition of  justice and fair dealing. From the standpoint of modern sociological theories of bureaucracy, it is almost impossible to see how the change could have taken place since the historical raw materials were so unpromising: a company of merchants not too easily distinguished from pirates on the one hand, and a series of decaying Oriental despotisms on the other. One may legitimately press the sociological and historical paradox even further: from this equally unpromising amalgam there eventually emerged a state with valid claims to democracy!

. . .

Three interrelated consequences for Indian society followed: the beginnings of an abortive commercialization of agriculture through the establishment of law and order, regular taxes, and property in the countryside; secondly, the partial destruction of rural handicrafts; and finally, an unsuccessful attempt to throw off the British yoke in the Mutiny of 1857. In turn these three processes set the basic framework for what has taken place down to the present day.( pp.341-343)

. . .

At bottom the Mutiny was an attempt to restore an idealized status quo that supposedly existed before the British conquest. In this sense it was an out-and-out reactionary upheaval. The fact that it attracted widespread support form the population seems to contradict such an assessment but, instead, under the conditions of the times, reinforces it.

     With the English present as conquerors and the main carriers of the new civilization, it is difficult to see how the Mutiny could have been anything else. Its failure ruled out for India any prospect of developing along Japanese lines. In any case such a prospect was so remote that it scarcely deserves serious consideration. This is not because the foreigner had such a strong foothold. That the English might have been driven out does not seem foolish. The crux of the matter is that, in the Indian situation, the foreign presence imposed a reactionary solution. India was too divided, too amorphous, and too big to be unified on its own under dissident aristocratic auspices, with some help from the peasants, as happened in Japan. Over long centuries a society had grown up that rendered central authority in substantial measure superfluous, perhaps inherently predatory and parasitic. In the Indian situation, around the middle of the nineteenth century, dissident aristocrats and peasants could work together only through passionate hatred of modernization. They could not, as in Japan, use modernization to drive the foreigner away. Ninety more years were to pass before the British were to be driven out. Though new factors entered the situation in the meantime, the reactionary component in the effort to drive them out remained very powerful, enough to handicap very seriously subsequent efforts at becoming an industrial society.(pp.352-353)



The 14 + items below are selected from articles and essays now circulating in the Anglophone social media, which take into account the historic events that are shaping our lives to come. Without a sense of inevitability, we are encouraged to consider these events and to discuss their significance in our lives and the lives of future generations. We are who we are - largely historic productions of humanity – and no procrustean bed will serve to solve the social problems derived from the growing inequalities we have experienced - ahistorical thinking is fast, but inefficient and will not serve the future.



Francis McCollum Feeley


Professeur honoraire de l'Université Grenoble-Alpes
Ancien Directeur des Researches
Université de Paris-Nanterre
Director of The Center for the Advanced Study
of American Institutions and Social Movements
The University of California-San Diego



Top 1% Gains More Wealth Than GDPs Of Japan, Germany, UK, France, India, & Italy Combined; Bottom 50% - You Get Nothing



by Charles Hugh Smith via OfTwoMinds blog,


Wealth inequality easily falls into an abstraction unless we contextualize it in meaningful ways. I've annotated two St. Louis Federal Reserve (FRED) charts--the net worth of America's top 1% and the net worth of America's bottom 50% of households, roughly 66 million households--to show their net worth and their share of all household net worth, and put this in the context of inflation and GDP (gross domestic product) of the U.S. and other nations.



These charts may look complicated but the idea is actually pretty simple: I've noted how each group (the top 1% and the bottom 50%) did at the top and bottom of each bubble: the dot-com bubble in 2000, the stock/housing bubble that topped in 2007, and the current bubble, noting the pre-pandemic data at the end of 2019 and the most recent totals (2nd quarter 2021).

Next, I pose a simple question: if the net worth of each group had tracked the growth of America's GDP (i.e. its real economy), where would its net worth be now? All else being equal, the assumption that net worth would rise more or less in lockstep with the expansion of the entire economy makes sense.

I note both the dollar amount of each group's net worth and their share of total household wealth to track their slice of wealth relative to the entire pie of wealth and to each other's slice. In other words, as the net worth pie expands, does each group expand its share of the pie or not?

What we find is a stunning asymmetry: if the top 1%'s net worth has risen along with GDP since 2000, it would now be about $21 trillion. Instead, it's now over $43 trillion, a $22 trillion gain above where it would be had it tracked GDP growth.

For context, this is larger than the GDP of the U.S. ($21 trillion) and the combined GDPs of the six largest economies behind the U.S. and China: Japan, Germany, UK, France, India and Italy which total about $20 trillion. It's more than the nominal GDPs of China and Japan.

In other words, the $22 trillion gained by America's top 1% as a result of Federal Reserve bubble-blowing is literally beyond comprehension: s sum larger than entire economies, a sum totally disconnected from America's real-world economic expansion.

Note that the top 1%'s share of total wealth has increased with every bubble: even as the pie of wealth expanded, the top 1%'s share has increased to roughly one-third of all wealth, which includes vehicles, homes, financial assets, etc. (The top 1% owns the majority of all financial assets.)

In comparison, the bottom 50%, despite recent gains resulting from the housing bubble, has only tracked GDP: where the top 1% more than doubled its wealth above where it would have been had it risen along with GDP, the bottom 50% have barely kept up with GDP's expansion. If it wasn't for the current housing bubble, the bottom 50%'s wealth wouldn't even have kept up with GDP.

The bottom 50% has lost ground in terms of its share of total household net worth: its already-marginal 3.3% of total wealth in 2000 has slipped to an inconsequential (i.e. signal-noise) 2.3%.

If the bottom 50% had maintained its meager 3.3% share, its net worth would be higher by $1.6 trillion--1% of the total net worth of U.S. households ($160 trillion). That's 50% higher than its current net worth of $3 trillion.

Note how the housing bubble bursting in 2008-09 basically destroyed the wealth of the bottom 50% whose primary asset (if any) is a home. Net worth of the bottom 50%--over 60 million households-- fell to a near-zero $185 billion in 2011 at the nadir of the housing market.

The top 1%'s fortunes have climbed in a series of higher lows and much higher highs: each spot of bother (collapse of the bubble du jour) dented the net worth of the top 1%, but their wealth never even declined to previous troughs. At the bottom of the oh-so horrendous market drop in 2020, the top 1%'s wealth was still double what it had been at the trough in 2009, $30 trillion vs. $15 trillion.

All of this upward shift of wealth accelerates as we approach the apex of wealth-power: a handful of billionaires own more than the bottom 50% (by 
some measures, the asymmetry is even worse than depicted by FRED data.)

Given that political power in America is a pay-to-play auction in which the highest bidder wins, how this incomprehensibly lopsided ownership of wealth plays out is an open question. The pendulum of wealth-power concentration has reached an extreme, and when it swings back, it will reach an equally extreme position at the other end of the spectrum.


Daniel Korski: The Intelligence-Linked Mastermind Behind the UK’s Orwellian Healthtech Advisory Board


by Johnny Vedmore


For those who are not so familiar with 18th century social philosophy, a Panopticon was originally the design of a prison building by an English philosopher named Jeremy Bentham. The Panopticon prison’s architecture would allow one guard in a central guard tower to observe every inmate without those prisoners knowing that they were being observed, and so those incarcerated were left to assume that they were actually being observed all of the time. This prison would, in theory, allow that singular guard to maintain order over every inmate. 

Much later, in the 20th century, the famous French philosopher, Michel Foucault, would use the concept of Bentham’s original Panopticon as a way to describe and explore “disciplinary power”. According to Foucault’s work, disciplinary power had been successful due to its utilisation of three technologies; hierarchical observation; normalising judgment; and examinations. Hierarchical observation refers to the fact that the observer in a Panopticon can be of any hierarchical position within the observing body, meaning that a prison guard, supervisor, or a governor could be the person viewing the inmates. Foucault would also insist that the normalisation of judgement is imperative for disciplinary power to exist. The final principle, the examination, is used to combine the first two principles of the observations and the resulting judgements to help decide on whether further actions should be taken or punitive measures be applied.

Among the most notable of Foucault’s analyses of the utility of the Panopticon is the following quote from his book Discipline and Punish: “The major effect of the panopticon is to induce in the inmate a state of consciousness and permanent visibility that assures the automatic functioning of power.” In other words, the uncertainty of whether or not an individual is being constantly watched induces obedience in that individual, allowing only a few to control the many.






Wall Street’s Takeover of Nature Advances with Launch of New Asset Class



by Whitney Webb

(October 2021)



Erik Prince helped raise money for effort to spy on progressives and anti-Trump Republicans

Erik Prince, the Blackwater founder, is considering a ...


by Mychael Schnell



Chris Hedges and Louis Hyman on the Harmful Gig Economy


with Chris Hedges




The Warmongers Miscalculated


by David Swanson



Ralph Nader on Facilitating Civic and Political Energies for the Common Good


by Ralp Hader



The Antiwar Movement That Wasn’t Enough


by Nan Levinson



European Electricity Prices Soar After France Cuts Nuclear Output Forecast


by Tyler Durden





de : News from Underground

envoyé : 5 février 2022
objet : Daily digest for


1.Djokovic decides to get "vaccinated" after all - Mark Crispin Miller (03 Feb 2022 20:36 EST)

2.Pharma liability shields at risk if courts find FRAUD - Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 13:56 EST)

3.Dr. McCullough invites anyone who thinks he's wrong, and knows enough to say so, to debate him - Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 16:18 EST)

4.New Yorkers, we have to STOP this! Hochul's trying to give herself a permanent new power to mandate masks (for the "unvaccinated") - Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 16:23 EST)

5.Ten pieces of good news this week (unless you're "woke") - Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 16:32 EST)

6."Time in nature can now be prescribed as health care treatment in Canada" - Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 17:27 EST)

7.Premier of Alberta (who's NOT in hiding) says his government will CANCEL "vaccine" passport - Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 17:30 EST)

1.Djokovic decides to get "vaccinated" after all by Mark Crispin Miller (03 Feb 2022 20:36 EST)
Reply to list

Does he think Nadal won because of the jab?



Djokovic to get vaccinated against COVID-19 following Nadal's Australian Open victory



The Serbian missed the tournament after he was deported


Novak Djokovic in Serbia.



Adapted by Nigel Chiu


Actualizado 02/02/2022 14:46 CET

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TennisDjokovic praises Nadal's 'impressive fighting spirit'
McEnroe: I'd like the Big Three to end up with same number of Slams

Novak Djokovic has chosen to be vaccinated against COVID-19, according to his biographer Daniel Muksch.

The men's world number one missed the Australian Open, which was won by Rafa Nadal, after a controversial saga which saw him twice appeal a decision that prevented him to play in the tournament, only to be deported.

Nadal's victory made him statistically the greatest men's tennis player of all time with 21 Grand Slams, one more than Djokovic and Roger Federer.

2.Pharma liability shields at risk if courts find FRAUD by Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 13:56 EST)
Reply to list

Pharma Liability Shields Could Be at Risk if Fraud is Found, says Former Blackrock Investment Executive

by rightsfreedoms




If Pfizer and the FDA do not release the data on their clinical trials, former Blackrock & Hedge Fund Guru Edward Dowd says he is assuming fraud, and Fraud Eviscerates all

Contracts, that’s case-law.

Dowd says that big pharma is supposed to be one of the most regulated industries, particularly with the Food and drug administration (FDA) however, after touting that the jabs are safe and also effective, their blanket immunity from liability may no longer apply if fraud is found to have occurred.

This could be game over for companies such as Moderna and other mRNA manufacturers, as big insurance is prepping to “square off” with big pharma over life insurance pay-outs linked to the COVID gene therapy jab, according to the Equity Investment Executive Edward Dowd.

Click on the link for the rest.


3.Dr. McCullough invites anyone who thinks he's wrong, and knows enough to say so, to debate him by Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 16:18 EST)
Reply to list

Something tells me no one will accept his invitation.


Please send this to Dr. Fauci and Neil Young.


From Kristina Borjesson:


On The Whistleblower Newsroom: PROVE IT: The Joe Rogan guest whose interview triggered celebrity claims of "misinformation" invites anyone with the expertise, credentials, and proof that he's wrong to talk to him. Interview with Dr. Peter McCullough: https://www.bitchute.com/video/Udb5lTj3UGTD/.


4.New Yorkers, we have to STOP this! Hochul's trying to give herself a permanent new power to mandate masks (for the "unvaccinated") by Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 16:23 EST)
Reply to list

From Andrew Saul:

NY Take Action: Hochul trying to sneak through permanent power to order masks

New York’s unelected Governor Kathy Hochul is attempting to give herself completely new powers to mandate masks for anyone and any situation whenever she feels it is necessary. She is doing this by issuing a regulation, a process wholly under her control, and completely bypassing the legislature. Regulations are supposed to be rules made by the bureaucracy to implement laws passed by the legislature and signed by the Governor. They cannot legally be used to give the Governor completely new powers. The regulation will become law if not stopped by February 14.

On Friday, Hochul extended the current mask “mandate” for public places until February 10. Last week a Nassau County Supreme Court judge held that the current mask order is illegal because it is a rule issued by the health commissioner, and there is no law that gives either the Governor of the Health Commissioner the authority to require mask. The Judge also noted that we are not in a declared state of emergency during which the Governor may issue temporary executive orders requiring masks. An appellate judge stay was placed on the lower court Judge’s ruling allowing the mask rule to continue pending a final decision.

The proposed regulation includes language that would allow distinguishing “between individuals who are vaccinated against COVID-19 and those that are not vaccinated.” This language would allow mandating only un-vaccinated people to wear masks as a means of punishing dissent and dissenters. Even though we know that the shots do not prevent transmission of Covid, we know that the vast majority of masks in use do not prevent the transmission of Covid, and, of course, it pretends that natural immunity in recovered people does not exist.

Read the proposed regulation here: https://regs.health.ny.gov/sites/default/files/proposed-regulations/Face%20Coverings%20for%20COVID-19%20Prevention.pdf

Our best bet to stop this regulation is to bring the bill to attention of the legislators and make them aware that the Governor is bypassing their authority to make laws.

Please get on the phone and call the Governor and let her know that you are opposed to these proposed regulations and her effort to bypass our elected representative and us by sneaking this through as a regulation. And call Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart Cousins and let them know you are opposed to the regulation and want them to exert their authority to make laws, not the Governor and the bureaucrats. There numbers are below.+

Please click HERE to send a message to the Governor, your State Senator, your Assemblymember, and the Public Comment office of the Health Department, letting them know you oppose this regulation.

The regulation is currently in a public comment period. Please submit comments. Public comments become part of the official record and the NYS Department of Health is required to respond to them. The contact information for official submitting a comment:


New York State Department of Health Bureau of Program Counsel, Regulatory Affairs Unit

Re: Amendment of Part 2, Section 405.3 and Addition of Section 58-1.14 to Title 10 NYCRR (Investigation of Communicable Disease; Isolation and Quarantine)

Corning Tower, Empire State Plaza, Rm. 2438

Albany, New York 12237-0031

Phone: (518) 473-7488

FAX: (518) 473-2019


Attention: Katherine Ceroalo

 Governor Kathy Hochul (518) 474-8390, (212) 681-4580, Hochul only takes voice mail. Call anyway.

Fax (518) 474-1513

Email at governor.ny.gov


Twitter: @GovKathyHochul

 And call the leaders of the legislature and ask them if they support the Governor completing bypassing the legislative process:

 Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins

Albany: Telephone (518) 455-2585, (518) 455-2715

Albany: Fax (518) 426-6844, (518) 426-6811

District: Telephone (914) 423-4031, Fax (914) 423-0979,

New York City: Telephone (212) 298-5585, Fax (212) 298-5623



Twitter: @AndreaSCousins

 Speaker of the Assembly Carl Heastie

Albany: (518) 455-3791, District: (718) 654-6539



Twitter: @carlheastie

 Please share this link to this message: https://www.votervoice.net/AUTISMACTION/campaigns/91233/respond

Please share this message with friends and family, and please share on social networks while we still can.




-- Andrew W. Saul Editor-in-Chief, Orthomolecular Medicine News Service


5.Ten pieces of good news this week (unless you're "woke") by Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 16:32 EST)
Reply to list


February 4, 2022

Good News Friday: 02/04

 Dear Patriots,

Another crazy week has flown by with some surprising twists and turns.

Facebook stock face planted - CNN imploded - The View is vacuous - Truckers are resolute  - European countries are waking up - Demand for the vax is plunging. 

Do not despair. Read some Good News!



1- This week brought a major court win for military service members, thanks to the efforts of Liberty Counsel.

Federal Judge Rules the Military May Not Discriminate On Religious Exemptions

On Wednesday, a federal judge in Florida ruled that the Secretary of Defense, or anyone acting on his behalf, may not alter or diminish the status of two military service members who have made religious exemption requests to the COVID-19 vaccines. 

The judge observed that the two military service members "are very likely to prevail on their claim that their respective branch of the military has wrongfully denied a religious exemption from COVID-19 vaccination." 

The judge stated that the military appears to be discriminatorily and systematically denying religious exemptions without a meaningful and fair hearing and without the showing required under RFRA." He further noted that while the military was denying religious exemptions, it was granting medical exemptions and permitting some unvaccinated service members to serve without retaliation. 

This is an important ruling for all military service members who seek to uphold their faith while serving their country. 


As the judge observed, and contradicting Department of Defense arguments, permitting a small number of religious exemptions to the COVID-19 vaccine will not "adversely affect the public's interest in the maintenance and readiness of the nation's military forces." 

Credit to Liberty Counsel, who represents these heroes in this litigation. We anticipate that this ruling can only help the two pending cases Defending the Republic has against the military's unlawful COVID-19 vaccine mandate. 

 2- It is oft said America is deeply divided. There is a political schism that can not be breached. It therefore seems odd that we apparently agree on this!

Human Events 

POLL: Majority of Americans Oppose Choosing Supreme Court Justices by Race, Gender

According to a new poll, a majority of Americans oppose choosing a Supreme Court Justice on the basis of race or gender. 

The ABC/Ipsos poll found that 76 percent of Americans say Biden should consider "all possible nominees" to fill Breyer's seat, while just 23 percent say Biden should consider "only nominees who are Black women, as he has pledged to do. 

Similarly, a recent Rasmussen Reports poll found the majority of Americans oppose choosing justices by race and gender, though most think Biden will do so anyway, the Star News Network reports. 


3- More and more countries are ending the Covid-CCP reign of terror. Many of these are countries the American left likes to lecture us to emulate.

Children's Health Defense  

12 Countries Roll Back COVID Restrictions, Israel Scraps 'Green Pass'



QUOTE: Sweden and Switzerland joined Denmark, Norway, Finland, Ireland, The Netherlands, Italy, Lithuania, France and the UK in announcing they will lift COVID restrictions and open up their countries.


Top Israeli officials also announced this week they are abolishing the country's "Green Pass" COVID vaccine passport for restaurants, hotels, gyms and theaters.


Few studies, if any, have been carried out to determine whether vaccine passports and COVID restrictions actually lowered COVID cases, hospitalizations and deaths.


However, a recent analysis published by researchers at John Hopkins found COVID lockdown measures implemented in the U.S. and Europe had almost no effect on public health.

 "We find little-to-no evidence that mandated lockdowns in Europe and the United States had a noticeable effect on COVID-19 mortality rates," the researchers wrote.


4- Finally, we have some attempts to provide actual proven treatment for the virus. This will be fought by Big Pharm.

The Gateway Pundit 

New Hampshire Lawmakers Propose Bill that Will Allow Pharmacists to Administer Ivermectin Without Prescription

QUOTE: Lawmakers in Concord Hampshire are proposing a bill that will allow pharmacists to dispense Ivermectin by means of standing orders.

"Standing order" means a written and signed protocol authored by one or more physicians licensed under RSA 329:12 or one or more advanced practice registered nurses licensed under RSA 326-B:18, the bill stated.


5- It would be great if elected Republicans collectively called for this. 



Top Doctor Calls for Reinstatement of People Fired Over Vaccine Mandates


QUOTE: After instruction from President Joe Biden and federal government regulators, a number of corporations fired workers who refused the Wuhan coronavirus vaccine. They did so before the Supreme Court ruled Biden's vaccine mandate for large companies was unconstitutional. 


Now, with worker shortages and long delayed scientific evidence from the Centers for Disease Control that the vaccine does not prevent the transmission of the virus, a number of companies are hiring back previously fired workers.

Dr. Marty Makary, a top doctor for John's Hopkins University, has been calling on companies to rehire fired employees for weeks.  Now, he's calling for workers to not only give people their jobs back but to issue an apology. 


 6- There is push back coming from somewhere, at long last.



Virginia's new GOP AG prompts three largest universities to drop vaccine mandate for students


QUOTE: The three largest universities in Virginia have dropped their sweeping vaccine requirements after the state's attorney general issued his legal opinion calling such mandates illegal. 


George Mason University, Virginia Tech and the University of Mary Washington all announced reforms to their previously strict vaccination requirements.

The Federalist   

George Mason University Students Declare Victory After School Revokes Booster Mandate

George Mason University (GMU) announced on Monday that the school would be revoking its Covid-19 booster mandate for students, marking a win for their medical freedoms and bodily autonomy.


7- Legislation saves lives.


Texas heartbeat law has cut abortions in half, saved 15,000 babies: report

QUOTE: A Texas law effectively banning abortion of babies with detectable heartbeats appears to have saved the lives of 15,000 babies since taking effect five months ago, according to statistics from the Texas Health & Human Services Commission (HHSC).


The Texas Heartbeat Act requires abortionists to screen for a preborn baby's heartbeat and prohibits abortion if a heartbeat can be heard (generally as early as six weeks), with exceptions only for medical emergencies.

This week, HHSC released a report finding that abortions had dropped from 5,404 in August 2021 to 2,197 in September, the month the Texas Heartbeat Act took affect, a reduction in 60%. Daily abortions also dropped from approximately 160 to 70. Overall, Texas Right to Life (TRTL) estimates that the law has saved 15,000 babies since taking effect 


 8- Blue States are jumping on the issue of lowering taxes. With massive Covid-CCP funding from the Federal government flowing into the states, even Democrats are clamoring to cut taxes. 


They also hope to keep residents from moving to no-tax states, like Florida.


Revenue windfall pushes states to consider range of tax cuts


QUOTE: Soaring tax revenue and billions in pandemic aid from the federal government have left many states with an unusual problem — too much money.

The result is one of the most broad-based movements in recent memory toward giving consumers and taxpayers a break. In red states and blue, lawmakers and governors are proposing to cut taxes and fees, create tax credits, or delay tax and fee hikes that had been planned before the COVID-19 pandemic struck.

Even high-tax states controlled by Democrats, from California to New Jersey, are dangling the possibility. Among those are Washington state, where one Democratic senator has proposed cutting the state sales tax from 6.5% to 5.5%.


In Maryland, Republican Gov. Larry Hogan has long pushed for a gradual elimination of income taxes for retirees, something he says will reduce the migration of people leaving the state to lower-tax places such as Florida when they're finished working. He may finally have a window for striking a deal with the Democrat-controlled legislature.


9- We are always pleased when parents find alternatives to public schools.



Christian Schools See Growing Enrollments as Public Schools Decline


QUOTE: "The last two years have shown the advantage Christian schools have in being nimble in serving students and their families with excellence," said Lynn Swaner, chairperson of Converge 2022, a conference that plans to welcome nearly 750 attendees in San Diego in March to focus on how to meet the needs of the growing numbers of students coming to faith-based schools from the public sector.

Among the host organizations for the conference is the Association of Christian Schools International (ACSI), which, last year, saw a 12 percent increase in enrollment at its affiliated K-12 schools, the press statement noted.



10- Taking a page out of the Trudeau play book, towing companies are claiming they can not come to move trucks because they are sick with, wait for it.... Covid-CCP.

 The Gateway Pundit 

 "We've Got COVID" – Towing Companies in Canada Turn Down Requests from Police and Mayor to Haul Away Trucks

QUOTE: Towing companies in Alberta, Canada reportedly refused the requests from the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to assist in the removal of trucks from Coutts Port of Entry on the north side of the Alberta-Montana border.

Abe Martens from Xodus Car Transport who also offers towing service told the Western Standard, "We are here with our trucks at the blockade, but we are participating and are in full support of the truckers."

In a video posted on Twitter, a woman said that she was just talking to a local who has lived in Ottawa for 30 years.


"He told me that the Mayor of Ottawa called tow truck companies to start towing the semis out of the streets and every company said that they have COVID." 


 Read. Know. Share. Pray and


Hold Fast,

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6."Time in nature can now be prescribed as health care treatment in Canada" by Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 17:27 EST)
Reply to list

From Tessa Lena:


I can’t even state how treacherous this is. Spending time in nature is beautiful. Turning it into a prescription is, well…. everything the great resetters want.


Next thing, prescription only? Hard to say now, but it seems like they would do it.


Time in Nature Can Now Be Prescribed as Health Care Treatment in Canada

Cristen Hemingway Jaynes Feb 04, 2022 13:46PM EST




7.Premier of Alberta (who's NOT in hiding) says his government will CANCEL "vaccine" passport by Mark Crispin Miller (04 Feb 2022 17:30 EST)
Reply to list

Here's hoping that he has a spine.


From Dr. Mike Yeadon (on Telegram):


Thank a trucker for this. (But do not believe it - until it happens. As we know, they are liars.)


Feb 3, 2022: "EDMONTON - Premier Jason Kenney says his government will announce next week a date to cancel Alberta's COVID-19 vaccine passport, adding the end will be in the “very near future.”


Kenney says he will also announce a phased approach to end almost all COVID-19 health restrictions by the end of the month provided the pressure on hospitals continues to decline.


Kenney says Alberta's high vaccination rate coupled with declining pressure on hospitals make it feasible to end the vaccine passport soon.


A week ago, Kenney said the passport could be eliminated by the end of March.


But since then Kenney has come under increasing pressure from members of his own United Conservative caucus to end the passport while also dealing with vaccine mandate protests by truckers and supporters who have created chaos and traffic tie-ups at Alberta's main U.S. border checkpoint."




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The Black Alliance for Peace Condemns the "America COMPETES Act"


by  Black Alliance For Peace


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http://www.blackagendareport.com/eric-adams-black-black-crime-0 or


by Margaret Kimberley


The US Political Elite Gives Cover to the Brutal US Police State


by Netfa Freeman


Left-Right White Solidarity Basis of Support for U.S./EU/NATO Wars on Global Humanity


by ​​​​​​​Ajamu Baraka





Barack Obama’s Father Identified as CIA Asset in U.S. Drive to “Recolonize” Africa During Early Days of the Cold War

Dirty Work 2: The CIA in Africa: Amazon.co.uk: Stuart Inc, Lyle:  9780905762814: Books


by Gerald Horne



MintPress Study: NY Times, Washington Post Driving US to War with Russia Over Ukraine


by Alan Macleod



Eurasia & the Epochal Decline in US Global Power


by Alfred McCoy



Why Peace Eludes U.S.-Russia Relations


by Finian Cunningham



The Year of the Tiger Starts With a Sino-Russian Bang


by Pepe Escobar



A war with Russia would be unlike anything the US and NATO have ever experienced 



by Scott Ritter





Leaked Video Emerges Of US Stealth Jet Crashing On Carrier In South China Sea


by Tyler Durden



The advanced F-35C stealth fighter was on approach to land on the USS Carl Vinson as flight crews can be heard calling off the landing, but it was too late, as the jet undershot the flight deck, causing its engine and tail to smack the deck and miss the tailhook. The plane exploded into flames as it slid off the carrier's flight deck into the South China Sea.



War In Northern Syria Is Gaining Momentum


by SouthFront




Six Russian Warships Enter Black Sea Ahead Of Large War Drills


by Tyler Durden





What makes Amnesty’s apartheid report different?


by Maureen Clare Murphy



Amnesty joins others in accusing Israel of enforcing apartheid on Palestinians


by Reuters



Gaza farmers struggle for livelihoods and healthy soil


by Yasmin Abusayma



Israel executes three men in Nablus


by Maureen Clare Murphy



How Israel’s Occupation of Palestine Intensifies Climate Change


by Jessica Buxbaum



Israel Gets Georgia to Strip Free Speech Rights (Again)


with Abby Martin




Meet the IDF-Linked Cybersecurity Group “Protecting” US Hospitals 'Pro Bono'


by Whitney Webb



Meet Ahmad Mansour, the Palestinian doing Israel's dirty work in Germany


by Ali Abunimah




Moral panic at the disco! Comic books in the end times


by Lyta Gold

(audio, 1:26:18)





Bret Baier: This is a big problem for Justin Trudeau




ALL of Canada Has Joined The Convoy, Except Trudeau. Accuses Freedom Convoy 2022 of Propagating Hatred, Racism and Violence



Video: Ottawa Freedom Convoy. Justin Trudeau Accuses Them of "Violence" and "Racism". Why All Those Lies?



Watch "Judge orders ‘no honking’ mandate; Freedom Convoy continues in Canada" on YouTube



Video: Freedom Convoy Solidarity in Alberta. Agreement with RCMP



Video: Freedom Convoy Solidarity in Alberta. Agreement with RCMP





Pfizer Quietly Adds Language Warning That 'Unfavorable Pre-Clinical, Clinical Or Safety Data' May Impact Business


by Tyler Durden



Alberta To Scrap Vaccine Passport Program, Announces Path To Lifting 'Almost All' Restrictions


by Tyler Durden





envoyé : 8 février 2022
de : News from Underground <nobody@simplelists.com>
objet : Daily digest for nfu@simplelists.com


1.On the "moon landing," and the urgency of (somehow) exposing it as fake, at long last - Mark Crispin Miller (06 Feb 2022 19:02 EST)

2.Take a look at Coutts, Alberta - Mark Crispin Miller (06 Feb 2022 19:38 EST)

3.The elite gathers its forces against the truckers - Mark Crispin Miller (06 Feb 2022 20:56 EST)

4.Where's the outrage?? Joe Rogan has shot and killed triceratops, for SPORT! - Mark Crispin Miller (07 Feb 2022 11:06 EST)

5.The Great Purge of Medicine continues: Tom Cowan, "conspiracy theory doctor," delicensed in California - Mark Crispin Miller (07 Feb 2022 12:57 EST)

1.On the "moon landing," and the urgency of (somehow) exposing it as fake, at long last by Mark Crispin Miller (06 Feb 2022 19:02 EST)
Reply to list

As we struggle to survive the media's staggering Big Lies—for what we don't know certainly can hurt us—I strongly recommend Sibrel's new book, Moon Man.




2.Take a look at Coutts, Alberta by Mark Crispin Miller (06 Feb 2022 19:38 EST)
Reply to list

If only we were privy to the globalists' discussion of what they might do to make this go away.




3.The elite gathers its forces against the truckers by Mark Crispin Miller (06 Feb 2022 20:56 EST)
Reply to list



The Elite Gathers Its Forces for a Counterattack on the Truckers

February 6, 2022 | Categories: Articles & Columns | Tags: |  Print This Article


The Elite Gathers Its Forces for a Counterattack on the Truckers



Paul Craig Roberts

There are reports that the Ottawa police, faithful servants, not of the people, but of the ruling elite, are attempting to prevent food and water and all “material support” from reaching the Truckers. In other words, the ruling elite is making an effort to starve out the truckers.


Click on the link for the rest.


4.Where's the outrage?? Joe Rogan has shot and killed triceratops, for SPORT! by Mark Crispin Miller (07 Feb 2022 11:06 EST)
Reply to list


Joe Rogan Is Finished!




5.The Great Purge of Medicine continues: Tom Cowan, "conspiracy theory doctor," delicensed in California by Mark Crispin Miller (07 Feb 2022 12:57 EST)
Reply to list



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Excess Deaths Point to Depopulation Agenda


by Mike Whitney


If You Take the COVID Vax, You Can Never Achieve Full Immunity Again – Government Stats Unveil the Horrifying Truth


by Ethan Huff



Vidéos of growing protests against the vaccine that are censored in the corporate media.





Police protest in Austria against vaccine mandate.


from Juan F. Garcia


Top News Archives - The Last American Vagabond

The Daily Wrap Up


with Ryan Cristián



New World Next Week with James Evan Pilato


with James Corbett and James Evan Pilato




James Corbett Redpills the Norwegians on the Global Conspiracy


with James Corbett



[Note: This conversation with Antijantepodden, one of the most popular podcasts in the Norwegian language, was recorded on January 31, 2022 and intended for a mainstream audience who may be hearing this information for the first time. For other examples of this "redpill series," please follow this link.]



February Open Thread (2022) : The Corbett Report


with James Corbett






How to Research Online


with James Corbett




Taibbi Interviews Russell Brand, Who Isn't "Right Wing"


by Matt Taibbi



"Dismantling Democracy" To Save It: How Democrats Rediscovered The Joys Of Rigging Election


by Jonathan Turley



With Alabama ruling, SCOTUS delivers 'Another major blow' to Voting Rights Act


by Jessica Corbett






From Ukraine to Yemen, US arms industry reaps the spoils of war


by Aaron Maté



Propagandist for Syria terror proxies compromised Amnesty International, leaked docs show


by Kit Klarenberg



China’s Belt Road Already Delivering for Southeast Asia


by Brian Berletic





J’Accuse! The Gene-based Vaccines Are Killing People. Governments Worldwide Are Lying to You the People, to the Populations They Purportedly Serve


by Doctors for COVID Ethics



The Collapse of the COVID Narrative: A Brief Strategic Window to Regain Our Democracies


by Elizabeth Woodworth


The COVID narrative is falling apart,[i] and the great post-pandemic cover-up has begun.



The 2020-22 Worldwide Corona Crisis: Destroying Civil Society, Engineered Economic Depression, Global Coup d'État and the "Great Reset"


by Prof Michel Chossudovsky



This Medical Data from the US Department of Defense Is Explosive – Mainstream Media Has Been Ordered to Ignore It


by Steve Kirsch


The original data :

Here are the resources with the original data:



Information on Vacinne Codes and their taxicity.




“A Guide to Home-Based COVID Treatment: Step-By-Step Doctors’ Plan That Could Save Your Life”


Edited by Jane M. Orient M.D. and Elizabeth Lee Vliet, M.D.

(updated Feb. 2, 2022, 27 pages)