Bulletin N° 251
Subject : ON COURAGE, FEAR,
AND THE FUTURE
6 August 2006
Grenoble, France
Dear Colleagues
and Friends of CEIMSA,
The governments
of England and the United States have endorsed the
continuation of Israeli aggressions in Palestine and Lebanon, against
overwhelming opposition from world public opinion. The information
struggle
during and after this violence will play a large role in
determining the results of this war for imperialist advances in the
Middle East. Just as the American Indian wars and Napoleonic wars are
seen by many people today as "great achievements for progress," despite
humiliating defeats and the carnage of millions of peasants caused by
these wars, so the masters of war today and their apologists will
attempt to spin a victory using the classic argument of "the ends
justify the means" after the slaughter in the Middle East subsides.
Unlike mater-energy, writes
Anthony Wilden in his book
The
Rules are No Game,
information can be created and
destroyed, and reconstructed a
posteriori.
The
Media Rule,
as George Orwell defined it is :
Those who control
the present control the past. Those who control the past control the
future.
For those of us
seeking a better world, we are well advised to look at
reality as we find it. Acknowledging the real constraints should enable
us to modify institutions and structures in a way that better satisfies
our real needs. We have much to learn from those who have seized
control of important institutions to serve their short-term interests.
Their ideologues will justify their use of force over us, but how
they took power is more important than why, and all ideological
justifications are irrelevant to this primary question.
My own mother
lived in Germany, as an American exchange student, during
the last years of the Weimar Republic. She witnessed the pre-fascist
formations within German institutions and society. Ontological
insecurities
were a precondition that facilitated the Nazi seizure
of power in 1933, that unnameable fear which kept the German
population passive and obedient became almost ubiquitous throughout the
society. The German psychoanalyst, Wilhelm Reich, studied this
phenomenon in depth while working in Berlin before the war.
- Under the influence of
politicians, masses of people tend to ascribe the responsibility for
wars
- to those who wield power at any
given time. In World War I it was the munitions industrialists;
- in World War II it was the
psychopathic generals who were said to be guilty. This is passing the
- buck.
- The responsibility for wars
falls solely upon the shoulders of these same masses of people, for
- they have all the necessary
means to avert war in their own hands. In part by their apathy, in
- part by their passivity, and in
part actively, these same masses of people make possible the
- catastrophes under which they
themselves suffer more than anyone else. To stress this guilt on
- the part of the masses of
people, to hold them solely responsible, means to take them seriously.
- On the other hand, to
commiserate masses of people as victims, means to treat them as small,
- helpless children. The former is
the attitude held by genuine freedom fighters; the latter that
- attitude held by power-thirsty
politicians.
-
--Wilhelm
Reich, The Mass Psychology of Fascism
History can only
serve as a guide for possible explanations; there is
no replay! As human beings seek to fulfill their needs and desires,
they encounter all sorts of obstacles. The social classes which today
control the institutions that govern the political economy are
collectively encountering many obstacles. Their use of force to
overcome these obstacles is real, and we can foresee the possible
consequences, the evidence of which, if they succeed, will be falsified
or simply eliminated.
This is the
politics of language today, where meanings are modified to
accommodate the needs and whims of the powerful. We can see this
tendency toward adaptation in the mainstream media during the present
debacle.
We at CEIMSA
have benefited from the courageous coverage by Amy Goodman
in her daily Pacifica Radio broadcast, Democracy Now, which
recently featured Professor Juan Cole, on the History Department
faculty at The University of Michigan-Ann Arbor. Dr. Cole is a
specialist in modern Middle East history, and his Blog is very
informative of contemporary events in the Middle East: http://www.juancole.com/.
Below, we
included 7 more news
items and analyses recently received at CEIMSA :
Item A. includes two
articles on Israeli
war crimes : The first by Jim
Lobe, "Human Rights Watch
Accuses Israel of War Crimes," and the second, "Israel's claims about
pin-point strikes and proportionate responses are pure fantasy,"
by Peter Bouckaert , which was first published in the International
Herald Tribune
Item B. is another eye
witness
account by Robert Fisk on the continued
slaughter in Lebanon by
Israeli-American arms.
Item C., from Edward Herman,
is a
proposed list of rules which seem
to govern news reporting
on the Israeli-Arab conflicts.
Item D., from TruthOut, is a
sample of mainstream
media coverage in America, a report
on objectivity in the press from National Public Radio.
Item E. is an invitation
from
Ralph Nader to
compare for yourself the quality of news
reporting from mainstream outlets
like NPR with new
reporting from small progressive
stations like "Democracy Now" on
the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS).
Item F. is an excerpt form
Greg
Palast's new book, Armed Madhouse.
Item G. is an expanded
version of
Gabriel Kolko's analysis of "the economic meltdown" now underway
in the global financial markets.
Sincerely,
Francis McCollum
Feeley
Professor of
American Studies/
Director of
Research
Université
Stendhal
Grenoble, France
http://dimension.ucsd.edu/CEIMSA-IN-EXILE/
__________________
A.
from Information Clearing House :
4 August 2006
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/
Human Rights Watch Accuses Israel of
War Crimes
By Jim Lobe
08/02/06 "IPS
" -- -- In
systematically failing to distinguish between Hezbollah
fighters and civilian population in its three-and-a-half-week-old
military campaign in Lebanon, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have
committed war crimes, according to a
report released by Human Rights Watch Wednesday.
The 50-page
report, "Fatal Strikes: Israel's Indiscriminate Attacks
Against Civilians in Lebanon," detailed nearly two dozen cases of IDF
attacks in which a total of 153 civilians, including 63 children, were
killed in homes or motor vehicles.
In none of the
cases did HRW researchers find evidence that there was a
significant enough military objective to justify the attack, given the
risks to civilian lives, while, in many cases, there was no
identifiable military target. In still other cases cited in the report,
Israeli forces appear to have deliberately targeted civilians.
"By consistently
failing to distinguish between combatants and
civilians, Israel has violated one of the most fundamental tenets of
the laws of war: the duty to carry out attacks on only military
targets," according to the report.
"The pattern of
attacks during the Israeli offensive in Lebanon
suggests that the failures cannot be explained or dismissed as mere
accidents; the extent of the pattern and the seriousness of the
consequences indicate the commission of war crimes," it concluded.
The report,
which was based on interviews with victims and independent
witnesses of attacks, as well as investigation of the sites where the
attacks occurred, called for the United States to immediately suspend
transfers to Israel of arms, ammunition, and other material credibly
alleged to have been used in such attacks until they cease.
In addition, it
called on United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan
to establish a formal commission to investigate the alleged war crimes
with a view to holding accountable those responsible for their
commission.
Such a
commission should also investigate Hezbollah's rocket attacks
against Israel which have been the subject of previous HRW reports.
Since the onset of the latest round of fighting July 12, Hezbollah has
launched some 2,000 rockets into predominantly civilian areas in
Israel, killing at least 19 Israeli civilians and wounding more than
300 others. Given the inherently indiscriminate nature of the rockets,
these attacks also constitute war crimes, according to the New
York-based group.
The report,
whose main conclusions about Israel's failure to
discriminate between civilian and military targets echo a statement by
Amnesty International two days ago, was issued just hours after HRW
released the preliminary results of its investigation of the July 30
Israeli air strike on an apartment building in Qana in southern
Lebanon, which was initially reported to have killed 54 people, most of
them children, who had taken refuge in the basement.
HRW, which took
testimony from some of the nine survivors it
identified, said that it had confirmed the deaths of 28 people,
including 16 children, in the building and that 13 others remained
missing and were believed to be buried in the rubble. It said that at
least 22 people survived the attack and escaped the basement.
One of the
survivors, Muhammad Mahmud Shalhoub, as well as a Qana
villager who helped in the rescue effort, strongly denied initial
Israeli claims that any Hezbollah fighters or rocket launchers were
present in or around the home when the attack took place. HRW said its
own on-site investigation, which took place July 31, as well as
interviews with dozens of international journalists, rescue workers and
international observers who visited Qana July 30 and 31, also yielded
no evidence of any Hezbollah military presence in or around the
building.
"The deaths in
Qana were the predictable result of Israel's
indiscriminate bombing campaign in Lebanon," said Sarah Leah Whitson,
director of HRW's Middle East and North Africa Division, who called for
international investigation to determine what took place.
Israel has
insisted that it has tried hard to avoid civilian
casualties, although the great majority of the more than 500 Lebanese
who have reportedly been killed by Israeli fire have been civilians.
Israel has claimed that Hezbollah's alleged practice of shielding its
fighters and arms by locating them in civilian homes or areas and
firing off missiles in populated areas – allegations which HRW said are
the subject of ongoing investigations – has made civilian casualties
unavoidable.
But the rights
group said its own investigations of specific Israeli
attacks, which included interviews with victims and witnesses, on-site
visits, as well as corroboration, where available, by accounts by
independent journalists and aid workers, had failed to uncover any
evidence that Hezbollah was operating in or around the area during or
before each attack.
"Hezbollah
fighters must not hide behind civilians – that's an absolute
– but the image that Israel has promoted of such shielding as the cause
of so high a civilian death toll is wrong," according to HRW's
executive director, Kenneth Roth. "In the many cases of civilian deaths
examined by [us], the location of Hezbollah troops and arms had nothing
to do with the deaths because there was no Hezbollah around."
He cited a July
13 attack which destroyed the home of a cleric known to
be a Hezbollah sympathizer but with no record of having taken part in
hostilities. The strike killed the cleric's wife, their 10 children,
the family's Sri Lankan maid, as well as the cleric himself, according
to the report.
In a July 16
attack on a home in Aitaroun, an Israeli aircraft killed
11 members of the al-Akhrass family, including seven Canadian-Lebanese
dual nationals who were vacationing in the village at the time. HRW
said it interviewed three villagers independently, all of whom denied
that the family had any connection to Hezbollah. Among the victims were
four children under the age of eight.
The report also
assailed statements by Israeli officials and IDF
commanders that only people associated with Hezbollah remain in
southern Lebanon, so all are legitimate targets of attack. Israel has
dropped leaflets in the region and even telephoned residents warning
them that if they do not flee, they will be subject to attack.
But the report
stressed that many civilians have been unable to leave
because they are sick, wounded, or lack the means, such as money or
gasoline, or are providing essential services to the civilian
population that remains there. Still others have said they are afraid
to leave because the roads have come under attack by Israeli warplanes
and artillery.
Indeed, the
report documents 27 deaths of civilians who were trying to
flee the fighting by car and notes that the actual number of killings
is "surely higher." In addition, the report cites air strikes against
three clearly marked humanitarian aid vehicles.
"The pattern of
attacks shows the Israeli military's disturbing
disregard for the lives of Lebanese civilians," said Roth. "Israeli
warnings of imminent attacks do not turn civilians into military
targets," he added, noting that, according to the IDF's logic,
"Palestinian militant groups might 'warn' Israeli settlers to leave
their settlements and then feel justified in attacking those who
remained."
Amnesty accused
Israel of trying to convert southern Lebanon into a
"free-fire zone," which it said Monday was "incompatible with
international humanitarian law."
Copyright ©
2006 IPS-Inter Press Service. All rights reserved.
See also: Peter Bouckaert's
article published in the International
Herald Tribune,
"
For
Israel, innocent civilians are fair game."
_________________
B.
from Robert Fisk :
August 01, 2006
The Independent
How Can We Stand By And Allow
This to Go On?
by Robert Fisk
They wrote
the names of the
dead children on their plastic shrouds. "Mehdi Hashem, aged seven -
Qana," was written in felt pen on the bag in which the little boy's
body lay. "Hussein al-Mohamed, aged 12 - Qana',' "Abbas al-Shalhoub,
aged one - Qana.' And when the Lebanese soldier went to pick up Abbas's
little body, it bounced on his shoulder as the boy might have done on
his father's shoulder on Saturday. In all, there were 56 corpses
brought to the Tyre government hospital and other surgeries, and 34 of
them were children. When they ran out of plastic bags, they wrapped the
small corpses in carpets. Their hair was matted with dust, most had
blood running from their noses.
You must have a heart of stone not to feel the outrage that those of us
watching this experienced yesterday. This slaughter was an obscenity,
an atrocity - yes, if the Israeli air force truly bombs with the
"pinpoint accuracy' it claims, this was also a war crime. Israel
claimed that missiles had been fired by Hizbollah gunmen from the south
Lebanese town of Qana - as if that justified this massacre. Israel's
Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert, talked about "Muslim terror" threatening
"western civilisation" - as if the Hizbollah had killed all these poor
people.
And in Qana, of all places. For only 10 years ago, this was the scene
of another Israeli massacre, the slaughter of 106 Lebanese refugees by
an Israeli artillery battery as they sheltered in a UN base in the
town. More than half of those 106 were children. Israel later said it
had no live-time pilotless photo-reconnaissance aircraft over the scene
of that killing - a statement that turned out to be untrue when The
Independent discovered videotape showing just such an aircraft over the
burning camp. It is as if Qana - whose inhabitants claim that this was
the village in which Jesus turned water into wine - has been damned by
the world, doomed forever to receive tragedy.
And there was no doubt of the missile which killed all those children
yesterday. It came from the United States, and upon a fragment of it
was written: "For use on MK-84 Guided Bomb BSU-37-B". No doubt the
manufacturers can call it "combat-proven" because it destroyed the
entire three-storey house in which the Shalhoub and Hashim families
lived. They had taken refuge in the basement from an enormous Israeli
bombardment, and that is where most of them died.
I found Nejwah Shalhoub lying in the government hospital in Tyre, her
jaw and face bandaged like Robespierre's before his execution. She did
not weep, nor did she scream, although the pain was written on her
face. Her brother Taisir, who was 46, had been killed. So had her
sister Najla. So had her little niece Zeinab, who was just six. "We
were in the basement hiding when the bomb exploded at one o'clock in
the morning,' she said. "What in the name of God have we done to
deserve this? So many of the dead are children, the old, women. Some of
the children were still awake and playing. Why does the world do this
to us?"
Yesterday's deaths brought to more than 500 the total civilian dead in
Lebanon since Israel's air, sea and land bombardment of the country
begun on 12 July after Hizbollah members crossed the frontier wire,
killed three Israeli soldiers and captured two others. But yesterday's
slaughter ended more than a year of mutual antagonism within the
Lebanese government as pro-American and pro-Syrian politicians
denounced what they described as "an ugly crime".
Thousands of protesters attacked the largest United Nations building in
Beirut, screaming: "Destroy Tel Aviv, destroy Tel Aviv," and Lebanon's
Prime Minister, the normally unflappable Fouad Siniora, called US
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and ordered her to cancel her
imminent peace-making trip to Beirut.
No one in this country can forget how President George Bush, Ms Rice,
and Tony Blair have repeatedly refused to call for an immediate
ceasefire - a truce that would have saved all those lives yesterday. Ms
Rice would say only: "We want a ceasefire as soon as possible,' a
remark followed by an Israeli announcement that it intended to maintain
its bombardment of Lebanon for at least another two weeks.
Throughout the day, Qana villagers and civil defence workers dug
through the ruins of the building with spades and with their hands,
tearing at the muck until they found one body after another still
dressed in colourful clothes. In one section of the rubble, they found
what was left of a single room with 18 bodies inside. Twelve of the
dead were women. All across southern Lebanon now, you find scenes like
this, not so grotesque in scale, perhaps, but just as terrible, for the
people of these villages are terrified to leave and terrified to stay.
The Israelis had dropped leaflets over Qana, ordering its people to
leave their homes. Yet twice now since Israel's onslaught began, the
Israelis have ordered villagers to leave their houses and then attacked
them with aircraft as they obeyed the Israeli instructions and fled.
There are at least 3,000 Shia Muslims trapped in villages between Qlaya
and Aiteroun - close to the scene of Israel's last military incursion
at Bint Jbeil - and yet none of them can leave without fear of dying on
the roads.
And Mr Olmert's reaction? After expressing his "great sorrow", he
announced that: "We will not stop this battle, despite the difficult
incidents [sic] this morning. We will continue the activity, and if
necessary it will be broadened without hesitation." But how much
further can it be broadened? Lebanon's infrastructure is being steadily
torn to pieces, its villages razed, its people more and more terrorised
- and terror is the word they used - by Israel's American-made fighter
bombers. Hizbollah's missiles are Iranian-made, and it was Hizbollah
that started this war with its illegal and provocative raid across the
border. But Israel's savagery against the civilian population has
deeply shocked not only the Western diplomats who have remained in
Beirut, but hundreds of humanitarian workers from the Red Cross and
major aid agencies.
Incredibly, Israel yesterday denied safe passage to a UN World Food
Programme aid convoy en route to the south, a six-truck mission that
should have taken relief supplies to the south-eastern town of
Marjayoun. More than three quarters of a million Lebanese have now fled
their homes, but there is still no accurate figure for the total number
still trapped in the south. Khalil Shalhoub, who survived amid the
wreckage in Qana yesterday, said that his family and the Hashims were
just too "terrified" to take the road out of the village, which has
been attacked by aircraft for more than two weeks. The seven-mile
highway between Qana and Tyre is littered with civilian homes in ruins
and burnt-out family cars. On Thursday, the Israeli Army's Al-Mashriq
radio, which broadcasts into southern Lebanon, told residents that
their villages would be "totally destroyed" if missiles were fired from
them. But anyone who has watched Israel's bombing these past two weeks
knows that, in many cases, the Israelis do not know the location in
which the Hizbollah are firing missiles, and - when they do - they
frequently miss their targets. How can a villager prevent the Hizbollah
from firing rockets from his street? The Hizbollah do take cover beside
civilian houses - just as Israeli troops entering Bint Jbeil last week
also used civilian homes for cover. But can this be the excuse for
slaughter on such a scale?
Mr Siniora addressed foreign diplomats in Beirut yesterday, telling
them that the government in Beirut was now only demanding an immediate
ceasefire and was not interested any longer in a political package to
go with it. Needless to say, Mr Jeffrey Feltman, whose country made the
bomb which killed the innocents of Qana yesterday, chose not to attend.
© 2006 Independent News and Media Limited
_________________
C.
from Edward Herman :
Subject: FW: [AcademicsforJustice] The rules of covering the
Israeli-Arab conflict
Date: Thu, 3 Aug 2006
http://academicsforjustice.org
Francis,
Could be the instruction list on the basis of which the US media work.
Ed
__________________________________________________________
English version
The rules of covering the Israeli-Arab
conflict
Rule
# 1: In the Middle East, it is always the Arabs
that attack first, and
it's always
Israel who defends itself. This is called "retaliation".
Rule # 2: The
Arabs, whether Palestinians or Lebanese, are not allowed
to
kill Israelis.
This is called "terrorism"
Rule # 3:
Israel has the right to kill Arab civilians; this is
called
"self-defense",
or these days "collateral damage".
Rule # 4:
When Israel kills too many civilians. The Western
world calls
for restraint.
This is called the "reaction of the international
community".
Rule # 5:
Palestinians and Lebanese do not have the right to
capture
Israeli
military, not even a limited number, not even 1 or 2.
Rule # 6:
Israel has the right to capture as many Palestinians
as they
want
(Palestinians: around 10000 to date, 300 of which are children,
Lebanese: 1000s
to date, being held without trial). There is no limit;
there
is no need for
proof of guilt or trial. All that is needed is the magic
word:
"terrorism"
Rule # 7:
When you say "Hezbollah", always be sure to add
"supported by
Syria and Iran"
Rule # 8:
When you say "Israel", never say "supported by the
USA, the UK
and other
European countries", for people (God forbid) might believe
this is
not an equal
conflict
Rule # 9:
When it comes to Israel, don't mention the words
"occupied
territories",
"UN resolutions", "Geneva conventions". This could
distress
the audience of
Fox.
Rule #
10: Israelis speak better English than Arabs. This is why
we let
them
Speak out as
much as possible, so that they can explain rules 1 through
9.
This is called
"neutral journalism".
Rule #
11: If you don't agree with these rules or if you favor
the Arab
side over the
Israeli side, you must be a very dangerous anti-Semite.
You
may even have to
make a public apology if you express your honest
opinion
(isn't democracy
wonderful?)
______________________________________________________________________
version
française
Voici,
en exclusivité, ces
règles que tout le monde doit avoir à l'esprit lorsqu'il
regarde le JT (journal télévisé) le soir, ou quand
il lit son journal le matin. Tout deviendra simple.
Règle
numéro 1:
Au Proche Orient, ce sont toujours les arabes qui attaquent les
premiers et c'est toujours Israël qui se défend. Cela
s'appelle des représailles.
Règle numéro 2: Les arabes, Palestiniens ou
Libanais n'ont pas le droit de tuer des civils de l'autre camp. Cela
s'appelle du terrorisme.
Règle
numéro 3:
Israël a le droit de tuer les civils arabes. Cela s'appelle de la
légitime défense.
Règle
numéro 4:
Quand Israël tue trop de civils, les puissances occidentales
l'appellent à la retenue. Cela s'appelle la réaction de
la communauté internationale.
Règle
numéro 5:
Les Palestiniens et les libanais n'ont pas le droit de capturer des
militaires israéliens, même si leur nombre est très
limité et ne dépasse pas trois soldats.
Règle
numéro 6:
Les israéliens ont le droit d'enlever autant de palestiniens
qu'ils le souhaitent (environ 10,000 prisonniers à ce jour dont
près de 300 enfants). Il n'y a aucune limite et n'ont besoin
d'apporter aucune preuve de la culpabilité des personnes
enlevées. Il suffit juste de dire le mot magique "terroriste".
Règle
numéro 7:
Quand vous dites "Hezbollah", il faut toujours rajouter l’expression
«soutenu par la Syrie et l'Iran».
Règle
numéro 8:
Quand vous dites "Israël", Il ne faut surtout pas rajouter
après: «soutenu par les Etats-Unis, France et
l'Europe», car on pourrait croire qu'il s'agit d'un conflit
déséquilibré.
Règle
numéro 9 :
Ne jamais parler de "Territoires occupés ", ni de
résolutions de l'ONU, ni de violations du droit international,
ni des conventions de Genève. Cela risque de perturber le
téléspectateur et l'auditeur de France Info.
Règle
numéro 10 : Les israéliens parlent
mieux le français que les arabes. C'est ce qui explique qu'on
leur donne, ainsi qu'à leurs partisans, aussi souvent que
possible la parole. Ainsi, ils peuvent nous expliquer les règles
précédentes (de 1 à 9). Cela s'appelle de la
neutralité journalistique.
Règle
numéro 11 : Si vous n'êtes pas
d'accord avec ses règles ou si vous trouvez qu'elles favorisent
une partie dans le conflit contre une autre, c'est que vous êtes
un dangereux antisémite.
soyez humain
et soutenez les libanais !!!!!!
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Contact your
representatives and elected officials: use
http://cflweb.org/congress_merge_.htm
For other
ways to help, see http://BoycottIsraeliGoods.org
_________________
D.
from TruthOut :
4 August 2006
http://www.truthout.org
- Reporters vs. the
White House
- NOW
- t r u t h o u t |
Programming Note
- Airdate: Friday, August 4,
2006, at 8:30 p.m. on PBS.
- (Check local listings at http://www.pbs.org/now/sched.html.)
- Is the press failing its responsibility to the
truth? This time on NOW.
Is the press still
fulfilling its obligation to the truth? NOW's David Brancaccio talks
with Orville Schell, writer and Dean of the Graduate School of
Journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, about the role of
the press as a democracy watchdog. Some say the Fourth Estate has lost
its teeth and is being manipulated into biased coverage of the war on
terror and the White House in particular. Who's pulling the press'
strings? This time on NOW.
Note: The NOW website at www.pbs.org/now will provide
additional coverage starting Friday morning, August 4. Features will
include a review of rocky relations between the White House and
journalists. Also, Middle East expert Alon Ben-Meyer puts the Lebanon
Crisis in context.
-------
Jump to today's Truthout Features at http://www.truthout.org
:
Today's Truthout Features -------------- Top
Military Lawyers Oppose Plan for Special Courts Administration,
Congress Eye "Liberation" of Cuba Human Rights Watch: Israel Guilty of
War Crimes Judith Coburn | How Not to Vietnamize Iraq John R. MacArthur
| The American Raj Requires Instability Exodus of Somali Ministers Puts
Power in Islamists' Hands Rumsfeld Testifies to Senate About Iraq Jean
Daniel | Israel in Iran's Trap Bill Moyers: Faith & Reason | Pema
Chodron Stacy Bannerman | Fly the Flag, Forget the Dead British
Ambassador Gives Dire Prediction on Iraq Lebanese Premier: Death Toll
Tops 900 Barb Guy | Signing Off on a Constitutional Crisis The New York
Times | Strong-Arming the Vote Guantanamo Detainees May Remain
Indefinitely: Gonzalez Army Raises Enlistment Age to 42 Court Rules
DeLay's Name Stays on Ballot Israel and Hezbollah Continue War;
Civilian Death Toll Rises NOW | Reporters vs. the White House Military
Unit Accused of "Racism" and "Kill Counts" -------------- t r u t h o u
t Town Meeting t r u t h o u t Home
_________________
E.
From: Ralph Nader and Peter Camejo :
Date: Fri, 4 Aug 2006
Subject: Fisk v. Friedman
Dear Friend,
There are no more excuses.
Either we organize for change.
Or we don’t.
We have the technology.
We have access to a flood of information.
Here’s a case in point:
Let’s say that you want to listen to a news show about the war in
Lebanon. In most areas of the United States, you can pick up National
Public Radio’s Fresh Air with Terri Gross.
This week, Gross interviewed New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman.
Friedman has just returned from the Middle East.
“I don’t care at the end of the day what Hezbollah says about Israel.
They can hate the Israelis and the Jews all they want,” Friedman told
Gross. “What really disgusts me and makes me enormously angry is not
what they do to the Israelis. It’s what they do to their own people.
The future they have deprived their own children of. The fact that they
hate Israel more than they love their own kids. That is such a
travesty.”
Gross then asked whether Friedman has agonized over the death of
innocents in Lebanon.
“Of course,” Friedman said. “And this isn’t some – I feel agonized
about all civilians. I lived in Beirut for five years... I was so
excited to go back and see the incredible amount of rebuilding that had
happened... I have a lot of friends there. Lebanon is where I started
my career. It breaks my heart to see this.”
If so, why not save some “disgust” and “anger” for the illegal
collective destruction through mass bombing of Lebanese families, their
homes and critical public services – paid for in part by American
taxpayers?
So, you can listen to Gross interview Friedman, or you can change the
channel and listen to Democracy
Now and listen to Amy Goodman interview the London
Independent’s Robert Fisk.
Unlike Friedman, who now speaks to diplomats and world leaders, Fisk
goes to the scene of the various bloody fields and reports first hand.
Fisk reported on last week’s Israeli bombing massacre of more than 60
civilians – about half of them children – at Qana, Lebanon – a city
that saw an aerial massacre by Israel of 106 innocents in 1996.
The Israelis said they fired in the area because Hezbollah was firing
rockets from Qana – a claim residents of Qana disputed.
Here is what he told Amy Goodman just three days ago:
“It’s quite clear from listening to the Israeli Defense Forces
statement today that they believe that family deserved to die, because
90 feet away, they claim, a missile was fired. So they sentenced all
those people to death. Is that what we're supposed to believe? I mean,
presumably it is. I can't think of any other reason why they should
say, ‘Well, 30 meters away a missile was fired.’ Well, thanks very
much. So those little children’s corpses in their plastic packages, all
stuck together like giant candies today, this is supposed to be quite
normal, this is how war is to be waged by the IDF.”
“I got back from Tyre on a very dangerous overland journey on an open
road, which was under air attack, and I got back, and just before the
electricity was cut, I saw the BBC reporting what the Israelis had
said, but without questioning the morality that if someone fires a
missile near your home, therefore it is perfectly okay for you to die.”
So, you have a choice : NPR’s Terri Gross and the New York Times’ Thomas
Friedman or Democracy
Now’s Amy Goodman
and the London Independent’s
Robert Fisk.
(Now, you might say – how am I supposed to listen to Democracy
Now? I can’t get it on my radio dial. If you can’t, you can get it
on-line. You can get almost every radio station on line. And soon the
same will be true for television. As it is now true for print.)
There is one answer to war: peace.
There is one answer to violence: non-violence.
There is one answer to the right-wing corporatist drift in our country
– organize.
Our children don’t know that answer because we live in such a
militaristic culture that non-violence, peace and organizing have been
shut out. (One thing the children of the United States, Lebanon, Israel
and Palestine of a certain means have in common is violent video games.)
But Americans can organize the people for settling conflicts through
peace and non-violence – an organizing strategy still in its infancy –
although it has worked well in South Africa, in the Ukraine, in the
Philippines – and earlier in India.
In the 1990s, a Palestinian-American, Mubarak Awad, started a center
for non violence in the West Bank. He imported the complete works of
Mahatma Gandhi – but the Israelis threw him out of the country for
advocating a non-violent revolution against the occupation.
Kids know more today about X-Box video games than they know about
Dorothy Day, Cesar Chavez, and Martin Luther King.
They know far more about war games and mayhem than they know about
Gandhi and Saul Alinsky.
To help turn this situation around, and as our enduring recognition of
your ongoing support, we offer you today three important books for a contribution
of $100 to help us pay down our dwindling campaign expenses.
First, hot off the presses, Gandhi
and Beyond: Nonviolence For an Age of Terrorism by David Cortright
(2006)
This is the long awaited introduction to the history of non-violence
resistance by Cortright, the former head of the largest peace
organization in the United States during the 1980s – SANE – and now a
professor at the Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies
at the University of Notre Dame.
Second is a book about non violence for the younger generation – Non
Violence Explained to My Children by French scholar Jacques Semelin
(2002)
Semelin has been working on the issues of violence and non-violent
action for almost twenty years – and he’s found that most of the
questions children ask about this subject deal with day-to-day life: If
someone hassles me, what should I do? How do I deal with bullies at
school? What about violent kids? This book is based on his teenaged
daughters’ nearly seventy questions – and he gives answers from an
ethical and historical perspective.
And third, Robert Fisk’s classic – Pity the
Nation: The Abduction of Lebanon (2002).
Abducted once, abducted once again. But maybe someday, we can learn
from history. If you know nothing about Israel’s meddling with Lebanon,
start with this book.
Again, that’s three cogent learned books – a special gift for young and
old alike – for a donation of $100 to our campaign. Please consider
giving a second set of these three books to friends in need – of
political insight.
Onward in peace.
Sincerely,
Ralph Nader and Peter Camejo
_________________
F.
from Greg Palast :
August 3, 2006
THE
NEW PALAST INVESTIGATIONS
"THE BEST THING IN THE WORLD FOR BIG OIL"
… Bobby Kennedy and Palast on why Saddam had to go :
"This war in Iraq has been the best thing in the world for Big
Oil and OPEC. They've made the largest profits in the history of the
world. The interesting thing about your book is you show how it was all
planned from the beginning. The story is like a spy thriller." --
Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
Listen
to RFK and Greg Palast on Iraq, a 20-minute conversation about
blood and oil, the podcast of 'Ring of Fire' from Air America.
The following is part of the story referenced in their discussion:
THE JERK: WHY SADDAM HAD TO GO
by Greg Palast
Excerpt from '
Armed Madhouse'
The 323-page multi-volume "Options for Iraqi Oil" begins with the
expected dungeons-and-dragons warning:
- The report is submitted on the understanding that [the
- State Department] will maintain the contents confidential.
-
For two years, the State Department (and Defense and the White
House) denied there were secret plans for Iraq's oil. They told us so
in writing. That was the first indication the plan existed. Proving
that, and getting a copy, became the near-to-pathologic obsession of
our team.
Our big break came when James Baker's factotum, Amy Jaffe, first
reached on her cell in Amsterdam, then at Baker's operation in Houston,
convinced herself that I had the right to know about the plan. I saw no
reason to correct her impression. To get the plan's title I used a
truly dumb trick, asking if her copy's headings matched mine. She read
it to me and listed its true authors from the industry.
The plan carries the State Department logo on the cover, Washington DC.
But it was crafted in Houston, under the tutelage of the oil industry
-- including, we discovered, Donald Hertzmark, an advisor to the
Indonesia state oil company, and Garfield Miller of Aegis Energy,
advisors to Solomon Smith Barney, all hosted by the James A. Baker III
Institute.
After a year of schmoozing, Jaffe invited me to the Baker lair in
Houston.
The James A. Baker III Institute is constructed a bit like a church or
mosque, with a large echoing rotunda under a dome at its center,
encircled by memorabilia and photos of the Great Man himself with the
world's leaders, about evenly split between dictators and democrats.
And there is the obligatory shot of a smiling Nelson Mandela shaking
Baker III's hand. (Mandela is not so impolite as to remind Jim that he
was Reagan's Chief of Staff when Reagan coddled the regime that kept
Mandela imprisoned.)
For tax purposes, it's an educational institute, and looking through
the alarm-protected display cases along the wall was unquestionably an
education. You could virtually write the recommendations of the
'Options for Iraqi Oil' report by a careful inspection of the trinkets
of Baker's travels among the powerful.
There is the golden royal robe given Baker by Kazakh strongman
Nazerbaev, the one who shared in the $51 million payment from
ExxonMobil -- a James A. Baker client -- and alongside it a jeweled
sword with a note from Nazerbaev, "Jim, there will always be a slice
for you." (I made that up.)
Who is this James A. Baker III that he rates a whole institute, and one
that will tell Iraq its oil future? Once Secretary of State to Bush
Sr., Baker was now promoted to consigliere to ExxonMobil, the
Republican National Committee and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
In Houston, I found in Jaffe a preppy, talky Jewish girl with a Bronx
accent like a dentist's drill who, stranded in a cowboy world,
poignantly wanted to be one of The Boys. She thinks she can accomplish
this through fashion accoutrements -- she showed me her alligator
cowboy boots and rolled her eyes -- "for Rodeo Day!"
Lucky for me and my (hidden) recorder, she did not learn from Baker and
the boys' Rule #1 for rulers: shut up.
So while Amy was in the mood to say too much, and before I got into the
details of Big Oil's plan for Iraq, I needed Amy's help in finding the
answer to the question that was just driving me crazy: why did Saddam
have to go? Why did the oil industry promote an invasion of Iraq to get
rid of Saddam?
The question is basic but the answer is not at all obvious.
We know the neo-cons' answer: Their ultimate target of the invasion was
Saudi Arabia, which would be cut low by a Free Iraq's busting the OPEC
oil cartel. But Big Oil wouldn't let that happen. The neo-cons' scheme
ended up an unnoted smear under
Amy's alligator boot heels.
And we can rule out Big Oil's desire for Iraq's oil as the decisive
motive to invade. The last thing the oil industry wanted from Iraq in
2001 was a lot more oil.
Neither Saddam's affection for euro currency nor panic over oil supply
'peaking' ruffled the international oil industry. What, then, made
Saddam, so easy to hug in the 1980s, unbearable in the 1990s?
Saddam had to go, but why?
Amy told me they held meetings about it.
Beginning just after Bush's Florida 'victory' in December 2000, the
shepherds of the planet's assets got together to plan our energy future
under the weighty aegis of the "Joint Task Force on Petroleum of the
James A. Baker III Institute and the Council on Foreign Relations." The
master plan makers included Paul Bremer's and Kissinger's partner, Mack
McLarty, CEO of Kissinger McLarty Associates; John Manzoni of British
Petroleum; Luis Giusti, former CEO of the Venezuelan state oil company
(until Hugo Chavez kicked him out); Ken Lay of Enron (pre-indictment);
Philip Verleger of the National Petroleum Council, and other movers and
shakers crucial to such bi-partisan multi-continental group gropes --
all chaired by Dr. Edward Morse, the insider's insider, from Hess Oil
Trading.
Their final report detailed Saddam's crimes. Gassing Kurds and
Iranians? No. James A. Baker was the Reagan Chief of Staff when the
U.S. provided Saddam the intelligence to better target his chemical
weapons. Weapons of Mass Destruction? Not since this crowd stopped
selling him the components.
In the sanitary words of the Council on Foreign Relations' report
(written up by Jaffe herself), Saddam's problem was that he was a
"swinger":
- Tight markets have increased U.S. and global vulnerability
- to disruption and provided adversaries undue potential in-
- fluence over the price of oil. Iraq has become a key
- "swing" producer, posing a difficult situation for the U.S.
- government.
Now hold on a minute: Why is our government in a "difficult"
position if Iraq is a "swing producer" of oil?
The answer was that Saddam was jerking the oil market up and down. One
week, without notice, the man in the moustache suddenly announces he's
going to "support the Palestinian intifada" and cuts off all oil
shipments. The result: Worldwide oil prices jump up. The next week,
Saddam forgets about the Palestinians and pumps to the maximum allowed
under the Oil-for-Food Program. The result: Oil prices suddenly
dive-bomb. Up, down, up, down. Saddam was out of control.
"Control is what it's all about," one oilman told me. "It's not about
getting the oil, it's about controlling oil's price."
So, within days of Bush's election in November 2000, the James Baker
Institute issued this warning:
- In a market with so little cushion to cover unexpected
- events, oil prices become extremely sensitive to perceived
- supply risks. Such a market increases the potential lever-
- age of an otherwise lesser producer such as Iraq...
I met with Falah Aljibury, an advisor to Goldman Sachs, the
Baker/CFR group and, I discovered, host to the State Department's
invasion planning meetings in February 2001. The Iraqi-born industry
man put it this way: "Iraq is not stable, a wild card." Saddam cuts
production, or suddenly boosts it, playing games with the U.N. over the
Oil-for-Food Program. The tinpot despot was, almost alone, setting the
weekly world price of oil and Big Oil did not care for that. In the
CFR's sober language:
- Saddam is a "destabilizing influence... to the flow of oil
- to international markets from the Middle East."
With Saddam out of control, jerking markets up and down, the price
of controlling the price was getting just too high. Saddam drove the
oil boys bonkers. For example, Saddam's games pushed the State
Department, disastrously, to launch, in April 2002, a coup d'etat in
Venezuela.
This could not stand. Saddam delighted in playing cat-and-mouse with
the USA and our oil majors. Unfortunately for him, he wasn't playing
with mice, but a much bigger and unforgiving breed of rodents.
Saddam was asking for it. It was time for a "military assessment." The
CFR concluded:
- Saddam Hussein has demonstrated a willingness to
- threaten to use the oil weapon to manipulate oil mar-
- kets... United States should conduct an immediate pol-
- icy review toward Iraq, including military, energy,
- economic, and political/diplomatic assessments.
The true motive to invade Iraq, Saddam's "manipulation of oil
markets," was there, but not yet, in April 2001, the official excuse.
Not surprisingly, the desires of the "Project for a New American
Century," the neo-con field of dreams, of remaking Arabia, was not in
the Baker Institute-CFR plan. However, the conclusion, Saddam must go,
matched the neo-con's policy demand, if for highly different reasons.
The Baker-CFR panel had a limited concern: Get rid of the jerk, the guy
yanking the market.
Morse was close-lipped about who saw and used the 2001 Baker-CFR
report, but Amy Jaffe could not help telling me that Morse reported its
conclusions in a briefing at the Pentagon.
More important, back in early 2001, the initial Baker-CFR report
(another participant tipped me) was handed directly to Vice President
Dick Cheney. Cheney met secretly with CFR task force members (including
Ken Lay) to go over the maps of Iraq's oil fields. That, apparently,
sealed it. Cheney took the CFR/Baker recommendations as his own plan
for dissecting Iraq, I'm told, beginning with the
none-too-thinly-veiled take-out-Saddam "assessment."
And whose plan was it? I knew the membership of the Baker-CFR group was
Big Oil and its retainers. But I was curious to know who put up the
cash for drafting the extravagant report that was so protective of OPEC
and Saudi interests. This document was, after all, the outline on which
the Bush administration drew its grand design for energy, from Iraq to
California to Venezuela. According to Jaffe, the cost of this exercise
in Imperialism Lite was funded by "the generous support of Khalid
al-Turki" of Saudi Arabia.
**********
Excerpt adapted from Greg Palast's just-released
New York Times bestseller, "
ARMED MADHOUSE: Who's Afraid of Osama Wolf?, China Floats Bush
Sinks, the Scheme to Steal '08, No Child's Behind Left and other
Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Class War." www.GregPalast.com.
May be reproduced without permission.
Special thanks to investigator Leni von Eckardt for preferring
documentation over sleep.
______________
G.
from Gabriel Kolko :
26 July 2006
Counterpunch
Bankers
Fear World Economic Meltdown
On June 15 we published Gabriel Kolko’s essay on the
enormous instability of the world’d financial system. In the ensuing
weeks Professor Kolko has enlarged his analysis, and here we offer our
readers his updated version. AC / JSC
T here
has been a profound and fundamental
change in the world economy over the past decade. The very triumph of
financial liberalization and deregulation, one of the keystones of the
“Washington consensus” that the U.S. government, International Monetary
Fund (IMF), and World Bank have persistently and successfully attempted
over the past decades to implement, have also produced a deepening
crisis that its advocates scarcely expected.
The global financial structure is today far less transparent than ever.
There are many fewer reporting demands imposed on those who operate in
it. Financial adventurers are constantly creating new “products” that
defy both nation-states and international banks. The IMF’s managing
director, Rodrigo de Rato, at the end of May 2006 deplored these new
risks – risks that the weakness of the U.S. dollar and its mounting
trade deficits have magnified greatly.
De Rato’s fears reflect the fact that the IMF has been undergoing both
structural and intellectual crises. Structurally, its outstanding
credit and loans have declined dramatically since 2003, from over $70
billion to a little over $20 billion today, doubling its available
resources and leaving it with far less leverage over the economic
policies of developing nations – and even a smaller income than its
expensive operations require. It is now in deficit. A large part of its
problems is due to the doubling in world prices for all commodities
since 2003 – especially petroleum, copper, silver, zinc, nickel, and
the like – that the developing nations traditionally export. While
there will be fluctuations in this upsurge, there is also reason to
think it may endure because rapid economic growth in China, India, and
elsewhere has created a burgeoning demand that did not exist before –
when the balance-of-trade systematically favored the rich nations. The
U.S.A. has seen its net foreign asset position fall as Japan, emerging
Asia, and oil-exporting nations have become far more powerful over the
past decade, and they have increasingly become creditors to the U.S.A.
As the U.S. deficits mount with its imports being far greater than its
exports, the value of the dollar has been declining – 28 per cent
against the euro from 2001 to 2005 alone. Even more, the IMF and World
Bank were severely chastened by the 1997-2000 financial meltdowns in
East Asia, Russia, and elsewhere, and many of its key leaders lost
faith in the anarchic premises, descended from classical laissez-faire
economic thought, which guided its policy advice until then. “…{O]ur
knowledge of economic growth is extremely incomplete,” many in the IMF
now admit, and “more humility” on its part is now warranted. The IMF
claims that much has been done to prevent the reoccurrence of another
crisis similar to that of 1997-98, but the international economy has
changed dramatically since then and, as Stephen Roach of MorganStanley
has warned, the world “has done little to prepare itself for what could
well be the next crisis.”
The whole nature of the global financial system has changed radically
in ways that have nothing whatsoever to do with “virtuous” national
economic policies that follow IMF advice – ways the IMF cannot control.
The investment managers of private equity funds and major banks have
displaced national banks and international bodies such as the IMF,
moving well beyond the existing regulatory structures. In many
investment banks, the traders have taken over from traditional bankers
because buying and selling shares, bonds, derivatives and the like now
generate the greater profits, and taking more and higher risks is now
the rule among what was once a fairly conservative branch of finance.
They often bet with house money. Low-interest rates have given them and
other players throughout the world a mandate to do new things,
including a spate of dubious mergers that were once deemed foolhardy.
There also fewer legal clauses to protect investors, so that lenders
are less likely than ever to compel mismanaged firms to default. Aware
that their bets are increasingly risky, hedge funds are making it much
more difficult to withdraw money they play with. Traders have
“re-intermediated” themselves between the traditional borrowers – both
national and individual – and markets, deregulating the world financial
structure and making it far more unpredictable and susceptible of
crises. They seek to generate high investment returns – which is the
key to their compensation – and they take mounting risks to do so.
In March of this year the IMF released Garry J. Schinasi’s book, Safeguarding
Financial Stability, giving it unusual prominence then and
thereafter. Schinasi’s book is essentially alarmist, and it both
reveals and documents in great and disturbing detail the IMF’s deep
anxieties. Essentially, “deregulation and liberalization,” which the
IMF and proponents of the “Washington consensus” advocated for decades,
has become a nightmare. It has created “tremendous private and social
benefits” but it also holds “the potential (although not necessarily a
high likelihood) for fragility, instability, systemic risk, and adverse
economic consequences.” Schinasi’s superbly documented book confirms
his conclusion that the irrational development of global finance,
combined with deregulation and liberalization, has “created scope for
financial innovation and enhanced the mobility of risks.” Schinasi and
the IMF advocate a radical new framework to monitor and prevent the
problems now able to emerge, but success “may have as much to do with
good luck” as policy design and market surveillance. Leaving the future
to luck is not what economics originally promised. The IMF is
desperate, and it is not alone. As the Argentina financial meltdown
proved, countries that do not succumb to IMF and banker pressures can
play on divisions within the IMF membership -– particularly the U.S. –-
bankers and others to avoid many, although scarcely all, foreign
demands. About $140 billion in sovereign bonds to private creditors and
the IMF were at stake, terminating at the end of 2001 as the largest
national default in history. Banks in the 1990s were eager to loan
Argentina money, and they ultimately paid for it. Since then, however,
commodity prices have soared, the growth rate of developing nations in
2004 and 2005 was over double that of high income nations –- a pattern
projected to continue through 2008 –- and as early as 2003 developing
countries were already the source of 37 per cent of the foreign direct
investment in other developing nations. China accounts for a great part
of this growth, but it also means that the IMF and rich bankers of New
York, Tokyo, and London have much less leverage than ever.
At the same time, the far greater demand of hedge funds and other
investors for risky loans, combined with low-interest rates that allows
hedge funds to use borrowed money to make increasingly precarious bets,
has also led to much higher debt levels as borrowers embark on mergers
and other adventures that would otherwise be impossible.
Growing complexity is the order of the world economy that has emerged
in the past decade, and the endless negotiations of the World Trade
Organization have failed to overcome the subsidies and protectionism
that have thwarted a global free trade agreement and end of threats of
trade wars. Combined, the potential for much greater instability – and
greater dangers for the rich – now exists in the entire world economy.
High-speed Global Economics
The global financial problem that is emerging is tied into an
American fiscal and trade deficit that is rising quickly. Since Bush
entered office in 2001 he has added over $3 trillion to federal
borrowing limits, which are now almost $9 trillion. So long as there is
a continued devaluation of the U.S. dollar, banks and financiers will
seek to protect their money and risky financial adventures will appear
increasingly worthwhile. This is the context, but Washington advocated
greater financial liberalization long before the dollar weakened. This
conjunction of factors has created infinitely greater risks than the
proponents of the “Washington consensus” ever believed possible.
There are now many hedge funds, with which we are familiar, but they
now deal in credit derivatives – and numerous other financial
instruments that have been invented since then, and markets for credit
derivative futures are in the offing. The credit derivative market was
almost nonexistent in 2001, grew fairly slowly until 2004 and then went
into the stratosphere, reaching $17.3 trillion by the end of 2005.
What are credit derivatives? The Financial Times’ chief capital
markets writer, Gillian Tett, tried to find out – but failed. About ten
years ago some J.P. Morgan bankers were in Boca Raton, Florida,
drinking, throwing each other into the swimming pool, and the like, and
they came up with a notion of a new financial instrument that was too
complex to be easily copied (financial ideas cannot be copyrighted) and
which was sure to make them money. But Tett was highly critical of its
potential for causing a chain reaction of losses that will engulf the
hedge funds that have leaped into this market. Warren Buffett, second
richest man in the world, who knows the financial game as well as
anyone, has called credit derivatives “financial weapons of mass
destruction.” Nominally insurance against defaults, they encourage far
greater gambles and credit expansion. Enron used them extensively, and
it was one secret of their success – and eventual bankruptcy with $100
billion in losses. They are not monitored in any real sense, and two
experts called them “maddeningly opaque.” Many of these innovative
financial products, according to one finance director, “exist in
cyberspace” only and often are simply tax dodges for the ultra-rich. It
is for reasons such as these, and yet others such as split capital
trusts, collateralized debt obligations, and market credit default
swaps that are even more opaque, that the IMF and financial authorities
are so worried.
Banks simply do not understand the chain of exposure and who owns what
–- senior financial regulators and bankers now admit this. The
Long-Term Capital Management hedge fund meltdown in 1998, which
involved only about $5 billion in equity, revealed this. The financial
structure is now infinitely more complex and far larger – the top 10
hedge funds alone in March 2006 had $157 billion in assets. Hedge funds
claim to be honest but those who guide them are compensated for the
profits they make, which means taking risks. But there are thousands of
hedge funds and many collect inside information, which is technically
illegal but it occurs anyway. The system is fraught with dangers,
starting with the compensation structure, but it also assumes a
constantly rising stock market and much, much else. Many fund managers
are incompetent. But the 26 leading hedge fund managers earned an
average of $363 million each in 2005; James Simons of Renaissance
Technologies earned $1.5 billion.
There is now a consensus that all this, and much else, has created
growing dangers. We can put aside the persistence of imbalanced budgets
based on spending increases or tax cuts for the wealthy, much less the
world’s volatile stock and commodity markets which caused hedge funds
this last May to show far lower returns than they have in at least a
year. It is anyone’s guess which way the markets will go, and some will
gain while others lose. Hedge funds still make lots of profits, and by
the spring of 2006 they were worth about $1.2 trillion worldwide, but
they are increasingly dangerous. More than half of them give
preferential treatment to certain big investors, and the U.S. Security
and Exchange Commission has since mid-June 2006 openly deplored the
practice because the panic, if not chaos, potential in such favoritism
is now too obvious to ignore. The practice is “a ticking time bomb,”
one industry lawyer described it. These credit risks – risks that exist
in other forms as well – seemed ready to materialize when the Financial
Times’ Tett reported at the end of June that an unnamed investment
bank was trying to unload “several billion dollars” in loans it had
made to hedge funds. If true, “this marks a startling watershed for the
financial system.” Bankers had become “ultracreative… in their efforts
to slice, dice and redistribute risk, at this time of easy liquidity.”
Low-interest rates, Avinash Persaud, one of the gurus of finance
concluded, had led investors to use borrowed money to play the markets,
and “a painful deleveraging is as inevitable as night follows day…. The
only question is its timing.” There was no way that hedge funds, which
had become precociously intricate in seeking safety, could avoid a
reckoning and “forced to sell their most liquid investments.” “I will
not bet on that happy outcome,” the Financial Times’ chief
expert concluded in surveying some belated attempts to redeem the hedge
funds from their own follies.
A great deal of money went from investors in rich nations into emerging
market stocks, which have been especially hard-hit in the past weeks,
and if they (leave then the financial shock will be great the
dangers of a meltdown exist there too.
Problems are structural, such as the greatly increasing corporate debt
loads to core earnings, which have grown substantially from four to six
times over the past year because there are fewer legal clauses to
protect investors from loss –- and keep companies from going bankrupt
when they should. So long as interest rates have been low, leveraged
loans have been the solution. With hedge funds and other financial
instruments, there is now a market for incompetent, debt-ridden firms.
The rules some once erroneously associated with capitalism
probity and the like no longer hold.
Problems are also inherent in speed and complexity, and these are very
diverse and almost surrealist. Credit derivatives are precarious
enough, but at the end of May the International Swaps and Derivatives
Association revealed that one in every five deals, many of them
involving billions of dollars, involved major errors – as the volume of
trade increased, so did errors. They doubled in the period after 2004.
Many deals were recorded on scraps of paper and not properly recorded.
“Unconscionable” was Alan Greenspan’s description. He was “frankly
shocked.” Other trading, however, is determined by mathematical
algorithm (“volume-weighted average price,” it is called) for which
PhDs trained in quantitative methods are hired. Efforts to remedy this
mess only began in June of this year, and they are very far from
resolving a major and accumulated problem that involves stupendous sums.
Stephen Roach, Morgan Stanley’s chief economist, on April 24 of this
year wrote that a major financial crisis was in the offing and that the
global institutions to forestall it– ranging from the IMF and World
Bank to other mechanisms of the international financial architecture –
were utterly inadequate. Hong Kong’s chief secretary in early June
deplored the hedge funds’ risks and dangers. The IMF’s iconoclastic
chief economist, Raghuram Rajan, at the same time warned that the hedge
funds’ compensation structure encouraged those in charge of them to
increasingly take risks, thereby endangering the whole financial
system. By late June, Roach was even more pessimistic: “a certain sense
of anarchy” dominated the academic and political communities, and they
were “unable to explain the way the new world is working.” In its
place, mystery prevailed. Reality was out of control.
The entire global financial structure is becoming uncontrollable in
crucial ways its nominal leaders never expected, and instability is
increasingly its hallmark. Financial liberalization has produced a
monster, and resolving the many problems that have emerged is scarcely
possible for those who deplore controls on those who seek to make money
– whatever means it takes to do so. The Bank for International
Settlements’ annual report, released June 26, discusses all these
problems and the triumph of predatory economic behavior and trends
“difficult to rationalize.” The sharks have outfoxed the more
conservative bankers. “Given the complexity of the situation and the
limits of our knowledge, it is extremely difficult to predict how all
this might unfold.” The BIS (does not want its fears to cause a panic,
and circumstances compel it to remain on the side of those who are not
alarmist. But it now concedes that a big “bang” in the markets is a
possibility, and it sees “several market-specific reasons for a concern
about a degree of disorder.” We are “currently not in a situation”
where a meltdown is likely to occur but “expecting the best but
planning for the worst” is still prudent. For a decade, it admits,
global economic trends and “financial imbalances” have created
increasing dangers, and “understanding how we got to where we are is
crucial in choosing policies to reduce current risks.” The BIS is very
worried.
Given such profound and widespread pessimism, the vultures from the
investment houses and banks have begun to position themselves to profit
from the imminent business distress – a crisis they see as a matter of
timing rather than principle. Investment banks since the beginning of
2006 have vastly expanded their loans to leveraged buy-outs, pushing
commercial banks out of a market they once dominated. To win a greater
share of the market, they are making riskier deals and increasing the
danger of defaults among highly leveraged firms. There is now a growing
consensus among financial analysts that defaults will increase
substantially in the very near future. But because there is money to be
made, experts in distressed debt and restructuring companies in or near
bankruptcy are in greater demand. Goldman Sachs has just hired one of
Rothschild’s stars in restructuring. All the factors which make for
crashes – excessive leveraging, rising interest rates, etc. – exist,
and those in the know anticipate that companies in difficulty will be
in a much more advanced stage of trouble when investment banks enter
the picture. But this time they expect to squeeze hedge funds out of
the potential profits because they have more capital to play with.
Contradictions now wrack the world’s financial system, and a growing
consensus now exists between those who endorse it and those, like
myself, who believe the status quo is both crisis-prone as well as
immoral. If we are to believe the institutions and personalities who
have been in the forefront of the defense of capitalism, and we should,
it may very well be on the verge of serious crises.
Gabriel Kolko is the leading historian of modern warfare. He is
the author of the classic Century
of War: Politics, Conflicts and Society Since 1914 and Another
Century of War?. He has also written the best history of the
Vietnam War, Anatomy
of a War: Vietnam, the US and the Modern Historical Experience. His
latest book, The
Age of War, was published in March 2006.
He can be reached at: kolko@counterpunch.org