Bulletin N° 749
Subject
:
VIBRATIONS ON THE ‘SOUNDING BOARD’ IN TIME : WHERE TO BEGIN? WHERE TO END?
April 27, 2017
Grenoble, France
Dear
Colleagues and Friends of CEIMSA,
Re-creating
contexts and seeking new perspectives appear to be an essential human need today,
in this period of madness that has descended upon us.
For
example, the UC-Berkeley campus was recently rocked with violence, as fascists
attacked protesters at a pro-Trump rally :
“Shane Bauer on the Berkeley Clashes & How Trump Has Emboldened the
Far Right & White Nationalists”
https://www.democracynow.org/2017/4/20/shane_bauer_on_the_berkeley_clashes
(see parts 1&2)
or when . . .
Blues
musician, Daryl Davis seeks to humanize people within the association for dehumanization :
STRANGE BEDFELLOWS
“Meet the Black Blues
Musician Who Befriended the KKK”
Meanwhile, the earth continues to spin on its axis at a speed of 1,600 kilometers an hour - producing twenty-four-hour days; and to rotate around the sun at an average speed of 110,000 kilometers an hour - producing a year of four seasons with each complete revolution- spring, summer, fall, and winter; while our solar system continues to migrate we know not where, nor how fast, how far, nor for how long ….
I have just completed Fernand
Braudel’s two-thousand-page trilogy, Capitalism
and Civilization (1972-1979), which is an achievement in itself. The
rhythm of his writing is quick; the moments of discovery, deeply
thought-provoking; and the hundreds of sections in this book are unforgettable,
with their colorful descriptions, contrasting nuances, containing theoretical
coherence. The reading was a long and pleasurable experience, but what light
does this historian cast on the present state of capitalism and civilization?
What new questions and what new insights do we find in these volumes? This
trilogy was certainly not written as an exercise in belles letters. What of importance do we take away with us after turning
the last pages of the last volume of this monumental study?
One notable characteristic is the intellectual honesty of the author,
who is not simply spinning spurious theories, but rather is inductively drawing general
understandings from his careful readings of a considerable number of historical
sources, then testing them deductively for verification. This at times takes
the reader on long detours away from conventional deductive thinking. We
repeatedly find ourselves in the presence of breath-taking panoramas, instead
of reading the standard glib rationalizations of less accomplished historians
working from more limited source materials. Never far from his sources and
always keeping an open mind, Braudel attempts to convince us of nothing. His approach is to let
the significance of historic events speak for themselves:
what precedes and what follows is often of keen interest; we come to understand
that a linear logic of cause-and-effect is not always useful, as we begin to
see the new patterns which emerge from his descriptions of the histoire de longue durée.
If we take the ‘periodic' histories of oppression and resistance written by Howard
Zinn, for example, who describes episodes from the cycles of capitalist
development in America - beginning in colonial times and continuting till the present - and place them beside
Braudel’s ‘secular’ histoire de longue durée with its
descriptions of the expanding universe of capitalist growth, we discover the
dynamics of a dialectic at work, one movement entirely contained with another
movement, but at the same time asserting mutual influences, the nature of
cyclical change within the migratory movement of capitalist growth, as it moves
its entire series of phases further and further into unchartered space.
This is not metaphysical speculation, simply supporting arguments with a phantom logic from extrapolation, but instead a meticulous
examination of records that suggest a pattern of development based on material relationships which are
henceforth recognizable.
Past, present, future –what is the motor force that pushes
socio-economic development, as we experience it? Commercial capitalism,
Industrial capitalism, Financial capitalism –these are the familiar terms used
to describe this evolution, but Braudel is not
satisfied with this orthodoxy; he also seeks an understanding by looking
carefully at the material realities which lie behind these terms and beyond the
cycles of production-distribution-accumulation-investment, in search of
historical evidence for movements in human societies that unpredictably
influence the velocity of social change –direction and speed. He claims to
have found something significant that not yet appears on the radar screen, but
nevertheless is vital to our self-understanding, as a species
:
The economic fluctuations of
varying length which seem to succeed one another like waves rolling in from the
sea, are a rule in world history, a rule which has
reached down the ages to us and will carry on operating. Like a repeated rhythm
–Charles Morazé uses the term ‘dynamic structures’
–these movements are as if pre-ordained. Focusing on this kind of movement
takes us inevitably to the heart of the problems we have been looking at, but
by particular paths, namely those of the history of prices, the interpretations
of which has been one of the major problems of historiography over the last
forty or fifty years. In this field, British historians are by no means
overshadowed, indeed they were the first and some of the best collectors of
price series. But they do not look at the short-term climate (la conjuncture)
in the same way as other (notably French) historians.
To oversimplify a complex
issue, I would say that British historians do not regard the conjuncture
as an exogeneous force –as the French school does,
its point of view having been more or less explicitly formulated by Ernest Labrousse, Pierre Villar, René Baehrel and Jean Meuvret. For
these writers, and for me, the conjuncture determines the processes which
accompany it, it exerts an influence on human
existence. For our British colleagues, the conjuncture of a given
country is determined by national events or processes. For example, French
historians see the stagnation and fall of prices between 1778 and 1791 as being
explained by the international intercycle (short-term
cycle) identified by Labrousse; British historians
see them as the result of the war with the American colonies (1776-83) and its conjuncture.
I am myself too aware of the mutual benefits of both perspectives not to accept
that both views may be valid, and that the explanation ought to take both into
account. But depending whether one or the other is preferred, responsibilities,
or perhaps I should say efficient causes, might change position and nature.
T.S. Ashton and those who agree
with him are clearly right when they list the series of factors which may
influence short-term change. Top of the list comes
war. No one will disagree with that. More precisely, fluctuations arose from
swings between war and peace (the Seven Year’s War, 1756-63, the American War
of Independence, 1775-83, The French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars,
1793-1802, 1803-15). The there are the fluctuation in the rural economy (which
remained Britain’s major economic sector, it must be remembered , until about
the 1830s): the harvest might be god, average, or poor and bad years (1710,
1725, 1773, 1767, 1792-3, 1795-6, 1799-1800) always marked the start of the
so-called ancient régime crises which affected the whole economic life. Even in
the nineteenth century the increasingly frequent and massive calls made on
foreign wheat had repercussions on the British economy, if only because payment
had to be made quickly (and in cash say the correspondents) to ensure the rapid
arrival of sacks of grain or barrels of flour.
Another influence on fluctuations
in the English economy was the trade cycle, the set of upward and downward
swings which had their effects on the general situation. And there was also the
money supply, gold and silver coinage on the one hand and notes of every
provenance on the other. The London Stock Exchange (which was always
‘sensitive’, and to which fear was a more frequent visitor than optimism) was a
curious seismograph which not only registered all the movements around it but
also had the diabolical power of itself triggering off earthquakes : as it
did in 1825-6n 1837 and 1847. Every ten years or so, as had already been the
case towards the end of the eighteenth century, the summits of economic life
would be shaken by a credit crisis, while at the same time traditional ancient
régime type crises were still possible.
Such are the conclusions of our
British colleagues. As for French historians, rightly or wrongly they see the
conjunction as a reality in its own right, although it is far from easy to
explain in its own right. We agree with Léon Dupriez and Wilhelm Abel that the prices form some sort of
totality. Dupriez has even spoken of a prices
structure. Prices, according to this view, are related to each other and if
they go up and down together it is because their particular variations are
combined. Above all, this is not a ‘vibration’
confined to one economy, however important that country may be. Britain did
not create her own price levels, nor the fluctuations in her trade, nor even her
own money supply; the other economies in the world –the whole world- all
contributed and all economies moved almost in unison. This is what we as
historians found most striking when we first began work in this field: for some
indication of the surprising results, see René Bachrel’s
very revealing and persuasive work.
The climate which raised, halted or lowered prices in England was not a climate obeying a time-scale peculiar to England, but one governed by ‘world time’. It may very well be the case that this ‘world time’ was in part dictated by Britain, or even that London was its essential epicenter –but the rest of the world helped to shape and determine a movement which was by no means the private property of the British Isles. The consequences are obvious. The ‘sounding-board’ for prices was the entire world-economy of which Britain was the core. So the economic movement affecting Britain was contained within the same economic climate –which does not mean to say that their experience as identical. When describing a conjunctural crisis in the economy, I have on the contrary stressed that it does not and cannot have the same impact on the strong and the weak (for instance on Italy and Holland in the seventeenth century); consequently that it is the occasion of a redistribution of functions and of international economic relations, usually ending up by making the strong stronger and the weak weaker. This is why I do not agree with the argument used by Peter Mathias to deny the role played between 1873 and 1896, by the downward curve of a Kondratieff cycle and its responsibility for the ‘Great Depression’ which affected England during these years. While growth rates in both Germany and America also fell during the same period, he argues, it is clear that the situation was very different in Germany, the United States and Britain, and that the British Isles fell back in relative terms, losing their share in the world economy. That is perfectly true: what would become evident to the world in 1929 was casting its shadow before. But the fact remains that growth slowed down simultaneously in Germany, the United States, Britain and indeed in France. And it is the way the graphs all dip together, whatever the actual price level in each country, which is the surprising but undeniable thing about the crisis.(pp.609-611)
. . . .
From the middle of the
nineteenth century, which broke the rhythm of growth established during the
ancient régime, the world apparently embarked upon a new age: the secular trend
was characterized by a simultaneous rise in population, prices, G.N.P., and
wages, interrupted by only short cyclical depressions as if ‘sustained growth’
was here to stay.
But only 120 years have passed
between 1850 and 1970. Have the long crises of the secular trend gone forever
with the coming of Modern Times? It is difficult to answer because the truth is
that the secret of these secular movements, the key even to their simple
correlations is still unknown to us; consequently we lack a substantial element
in historical explanation. As a result many historians, and not the least among
them, find it easy to be ironic about these historical cycles which can be
observed and noted but not explained. Do they really exist? Is it really
possible to believe that human history obeys all-commanding rhythms which
ordinary logic cannot explain? I am inclined to answer yes, even though the
phenomenon is as puzzling as the climatic cycles, whose existence we are forced
to admit, since the evidence stares us in the face, although the experts can
still only suggest hypotheses about their origin. I do believe in these tidal
movements which seem to govern the physical and economic history of the world,
even if the favourable or unfavourable
indicators which trigger them off, and which are the product of so many
relationships, remain a mystery. I believe In them so
firmly that since the beginning of our present difficulties, in 1972-4, I have
often asked myself: is this the downward slope of a Kondratieff cycle? Or are
we indeed embarking upon a much longer slide, a reversal of the secular trend?
If so, are not the day-to-day remedies proposed to meet the crisis completely
illusory? For the reversal of the secular trend is the structural crisis which
could only be resolved by thorough-going structural demolition and reconstruction.(pp.609-618)
By way of conclusion, Braudel reunites
elements of his discoveries which can be tested by anyone facing reality in the
21st Century.
What I have done in this book –and it was not so very difficult though
it did raise a number of problems- was to introduce the word capitalism with
its various meanings and ambiguities, into the broad arena of early modern
world history. . . .
Capitalism, as I have
understood it, has proved throughout this book to be a good barometer. Taking
it as a guide has meant being able to tackle in a direct and useful way the
basic problems and realities: the long-term (la longue durée);
divisions of economic life; world-economies; secular trends and other
fluctuations; the complex and complicating tangles of social hierarchies, not
to say the class struggle; the ever-present yet varying role played by dominant
minorities; even the series of industrial revolutions. . . .
At the end of such a lengthy
undertaking, I feel rather the need to throw open the doors and windows, to
give the house a good airing, even to go outside it.
Having constructed as I went along my conceptual framework which ought
to be applicable to more than the pre-industrial modern period (otherwise it
can hardly claim to belong to history in the deepest sense) I should rather
like to launch it on the waters and in the setting of another period. And while
we are at it, why not take the present day as the period? Why not, that is,
take the realities we have ourselves seen and felt? This would take us out of
the magic world of retrospective history and into the living landscape which
needs no reconstruction, but lies before us in all its richness and confusion.
There is nothing illogical about
this: is it not the secret aim and underlying motive of history to seek to
explain the present? And today, now that it is in touch with the various social
sciences, is history not also becoming a science of a kind, imperfect and
approximate as they are, but ready to ask questions as much as to answer them,
to be a measure of the present as well as of the past? . . .
I do not believe that the present contradicts the past; on the contrary,
it helps to illuminate it and vice versa There is no
shortage of analogies. . . . .
[T]oday’s world is one which contains both
continuity and discontinuity, and this contradiction will always remain on the
horizon of the problems I shall be considering in the following order: [1]capitalism as a long-term structure; [2]capitalism as part
of the social complex; [3]whether capitalism is in a fit condition to survive
or not (thou if it were to disappear, would all the inequality in our societies
vanish overnight? I rather doubt it); and finally [4]capitalism
as distinct from the market economy, which is for me the essential message of
this long quest.(pp.619-620)
Capitalism
as a long-term structure.
… the chief privilege of capitalism, today as in the past, remains the
agility to choose –a privilege resulting at once from its dominant social
position, from the weight of its capital resources, its borrowing capacity, its
communications network, and, no less, from the links which create between the
members of a powerful minority –however divided it may be by competition- a
series of unwritten rules and personal contacts.
Its capacity to adapt, its versatility and consistent strength do not of
course shield capitalism from every risk. In major crises, numbers of
capitalists go under, but there are always others who survive or take their
place. Creative responses are indeed often made outside capitalist circles,
since innovations has more than once come from below.
But such solutions almost automatically find their way to the owners of capital
and the end result is a revitalized capitalism often even stronger than before,
more energetic and efficient than the old. (pp.622-623)
Capitalism
and the social context.
The worst error of all is to suppose that capitalism is simply an
‘economic system’, whereas in fact it lives off the social order, standing
almost on a footing with the state, whether as adversary or accomplice: it is
and always has been a massive force, filling the horizon. Capitalism also
benefits from all the support that culture provides for the solidity of the
social edifice, for culture –thought unequally distributed and shot through
with contradictory currents- does in the end contribute the best of itself to
propping up the existing order. And lastly capitalism can count on the dominant
classes who, when they defend it, are defending themselves.
Of the various social hierarchies –the hierarchies of wealth, of state
power or of culture, that opposes yet support each other- which is the most
important? The answer . . . may depend on the time, the place and who is
speaking. . . .
The relations between capitalism and culture are even more ambiguous
because they contain a contradiction: culture is both support
and challenge, guard dog and rebel. It is true that a challenge will often wear
itself out after its most violent explosions. The protests in Luther’s Germany
against the monopolies of big firms line the Fuggers
and Welsers, in the end came to nothing. Almost
invariably, culture becomes a mainstay of the existing order and capitalism
derives not a little of its security from it.
. . .
But time passes; ten or fifteen years are nothing in the slow-moving
history of society, but a long interval in the lifetime of an individual. Those
active in 1968 have been reabsorbed into a long-suffering society whose
patience gives it prodigious powers of resistance and recuperation. Inertia is
the feature it lacks the least. So the cultural revolution
may not have been a failure –but one would have to think very hard before
pronouncing it an outright success. In any case have there ever been any
outright successes in cultural matters? The Renaissance and the Reformation
were both outstanding and long-lived cultural revolutions, coming one after the
other. It was already an explosive enterprise to have reintroduced Greece and
Rome to Christian civilization, to tear apart the seamless robe of the Church
was even more earth-shaking. Yet in the end the dust settled, everything was
absorbed into the existing order and the wounds healed. The Renaissance ended
with Machiavelli’s Prince and the Counter-Reformation. The Reformation loosed
upon the world a new dominant Europe, supremely capitalist; in Germany it
produced a crew of petty princelings –not a happy
result. And did Luther not betray the rebel in the Peasant War of 1525?(pp.623-626)
Can capitalism survive?
I may be wrong, but I do not have the impression that capitalism is likely to collapse of its own accord, in some form of ‘endogenous’ deterioration; for any collapse to take place, there would have to be some external impact of great violence; and a credible alternative would have to be available. The colossal weight of a whole society and the powers of resistance of an alert ruling minority are not likely to be easily overthrown by ideological speeches and programs or by momentary electoral success.
. . .
No one will deny that the present crisis, dating from the early 1970s, is a threat to capitalism. It is far more serious than that of 1929 and even large firms will probably be swallowed up in it. But capitalism as a system has every chance of surviving. Economically speaking (I do not say ideologically) it might even emerge strengthened from the trial.
. . .
So I think it can be assumed that even faced with a new Third World,
capitalism will, for some time to come, be able to reorganize its means of
domination or devise new ones, using yet again the formidable strength of
acquired position and the weight of the past.(pp.626-628)
Capitalism
and the market economy.
Today, just as in the eighteenth century, there is quite a sizeable
lower floor, a sort of bargain basement, below the other two stories [i.e. the
‘molar’ capitalist system which crushes anything in its way, and the
‘molecular’ market place activity of buying and selling]; some economists
estimate it at about 30 to 40% of economic activity in the industrialized
counties. This surprisingly large figure, for which estimates have only
recently appeared, is made up of all the activities (we might call this, for
the sake of continuity, ‘atomistic’ activities] outside the market and state
controls –fraud, barter of goods and services, moonlighting, housework –that
domestic economy which St. Thomas Aquinas regarded as the economia
pura . . . .
It is still possible then to use the three-tier model whose relevance to
the past has already been discussed. It can still be applied to the present.
And our statistics which do not fid room anywhere for
the ‘basement’ of the economy, give us only an
incomplete picture.
This is enough to make one
think again before assuming that our societies are organized from top to bottom
in a ‘capitalist system’. On the contrary, putting it briefly, there is a dialectic still very much alive between capitalism on the
one hand, and its antithesis, the ‘non-capitalism’ of the lower level on the
other. It is sometimes said that big business tolerates small firms, although
if it really tried to it could sweep them aside. How generous! In much the same
way, Stendhal thought that in Renaissance Italy, a cruel world if ever there
was one, the big cities let the small towns survive out of the goodness of
their heats. I have argued (and I think I am right) that the big cities would
not have been able to survive without the smaller ones at their service. As for
the big companies of today, Galbraith argues that they only respect small
businesses because the latter, being on such a small scale, have much higher
unit production costs, which makes it possible for market prices to be fixed at
levels providing handsome profits for the larger firms –as if the big
companies, if they were left alone in the field, could not perfectly well fix
prices and profits at any level they like! The truth is that they need the smaller
firms, first and foremost to carry out the humble tasks indispensable to any
society, but which capitalism does not care to handle. Secondly, like the
eighteenth-century manufactories which frequently drew on family workshops in
the surrounding districts, the big firms farm out
certain tasks to bus-contractors, who deliver finished or semi-finished
goods. . . . Then too there is a need for retailers and
middlemen. Al these chains of sub-contractors may be directly- dependent on
capitalism but they are in themselves merely another branch of small business.
Indeed it seems that if the conflict between capitalism and the layer
beneath were a strictly economic one –which it is not- both sides would have an
interest in peaceful coexistence –the conclusion reached by a recent conference
of economists. But government policies may intervene. Since the last war,
several European countries have consciously adopted policies designed to
eliminate small business on the New York pattern: they are seen as a hangover
from the past and a sign of economic backwardness. The state itself creates
monopolies –to take just one example, Electricité de
France (the nationalized French electricity company) is today being accused of
being a state within a state, holding up the development of alternative forms
of energy. And it is the biggest private firms which receive state aid and
subsidy, whereas banks are supposed to restrict credit to small firms -which
amounts to condemning them to vegetate or vanish.
There could be no more
dangerous policy. This is to repeat in another form the fundamental error
committed by the socialist countries. Read what Lenin wrote: ‘Small-scale
commercial production is, every moment of every day, giving birth spontaneously
to capitalism and the bourgeoisie …. Wherever there is small business and
freedom of trade, capitalism appears’. He is even supposed to have said:
‘capitalism begins in the village market-place’. His conclusion was that in
order to get rid of capitalism, its very roots that
is, individual production and freedom of trade had to be dug out. Are Lenin’s
remarks not in fact a homage to the enormous creative powers of the market, of
the lower storey of exchange, of the self-employed artisan and even to
individual resourcefulness – creative powers which provide the economy not only
with the rich foundation but with something to fall back on in times of crisis,
war, or serious economic collapse requiring structural change? The lowest
level, not being paralyzed by the size of its plant or organization, is the one
readiest to adapt; it is the seedbed of inspiration, improvisation and even
innovation, although its most brilliant discoveries sooner or later fall into
the hands of the holders of capital. It was not the capitalists who brought
about the first cotton revolution; all the new ideas came from enterprising
small businesses. Are things so very different today? One of the leading
representatives of French capital said to me the other day: ‘It is never the
inventors who make a fortune’; they have to hand over to someone else. But they
have the ideas in the first place! A recent report from M.I.T. points out that
over the last fifteen years more than half the jobs created in the United
States have been in small firms employing less than 50 workers.
Finally, if we are prepared to make an unequivocal distinction between
the market economy and capitalism, might this offer us a way of avoiding that
‘all or nothing’ which politicians are constantly putting to us, as if it were
impossible to retain the market economy without giving the monopolies a free
hand, or impossible to get rid of monopolies without nationalizing everything
in sight? The program proposed by the ‘Prague spring’ –socialism at the top,
but freedom and ‘spontaneity’ at the base- was put forward as a double solution
to a double and unsatisfactory reality. But what kind of socialism will be able
to maintain the freedom and mobility of the individual enterprise? As long as
the solutions put forward amount to replacing the monopoly of capital with the
monopoly of the state, compounding the faults of the former with those of the
latter, it is hardly surprising that the classic left-wing solutions do not
arouse great electoral enthusiasm. If people set about looking for them, seriously
and honestly, economic solutions could be found which would extend the area of
the market and would put at its disposal the economic advantages so far kept to
itself by one dominant group in society. but the
problem does not essentially lie there; it is social in nature. Just as a
country at the center of the world-economy can hardly be expected to give up
its privileges at international level, how can one hope that the dominant
groups who combine capital and state power, and who are assured of international
support, will agree to play the game and hand over to someone else?(pp.630-632)
The 17 items below offer CEIMSA readers descriptive material of
the present which can be used to test Fernand Braudel’s theses. These essays might help us answer questions
such as: What are the structural limits of this crushing 'molar' phenomenon called
‘capitalism’? How does the social complex in which it is embedded sustain it
and protect its growth? What is the present state of health of capitalism, and
what social-economic configurations lurk in the shadows, standing ready to
replace it? Here he, also, raises a question first formulated by Karl Polanyi in The Great Transformation
(1944): What effect does capitalism (a level of construction on the premier étage)
have on the rez-de-chaussée market
economies, and can the latter survive capitalism? But Braudel
goes further and suggests another dimension of capitalist growth that is
constructed on top of the market economy; this 'molecular' activity, operating beneath the radar, is at the level of the sous-sols, a multi-dimensional and productive social intercourse which is going on
out of the sight and mind of the large corporate management who nevertheless
depend on its existence. This suggests the new discovery of an essential player
in the history of civilization and
capitalism, and the essays below raise this strategic question: What role
have CULTURAL activities played in economic bevavior over, not centuries, according to Braudel, but over the millenniums? (See
CEIMSA Bulletin N° 573 & N° 572 for a related discussion of culture and economics in David Graeber’s book, Debt,
the First 5000 Years.)
Francis Feeley
Professor emeritus of American Studies
University Grenoble-Alpes
Director of Research
University of Paris-Nanterre
Center for the Advanced Study of American Institutions and
Social Movements
The University of California-San Diego
a.
Shocking Exposé
Reveals Trump Associates & ISIS-Linked Vigilantes
Are Attempting Coup in
Indonesia
https://www.democracynow.org/2017/4/21/shocking_expose_reveals_trump_associates_isis
==========
b.
Former Israeli Defense Minister Confirms Israeli
Collaboration
With ISIS In Syria
by
Richard Silverstein
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/46929.htm
In the midst of complaining about
the Islamist threat to Israel and the world, Bibi
Netanyahu conveniently forgets that his own country enjoys a tacit alliance with
ISIS in Syria. It
is an alliance of convenience to be sure and one that’s not boasted about by
either party. But is not terribly different from one
than Israel enjoys with its other Muslim allies like Egypt, Saudi Arabia and
the Gulf States.
==========
c.
The Secret Life of Timothy McVeigh
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vgfi1QZILxk
==========
d.
Noam Chomsky & Amy
Goodman in Conversation :
"Requiem for the
American Dream: The 10 Principles of Concentration of Wealth & Power."
https://www.democracynow.org/2017/4/24/watch_live_noam_chomsky_amy_goodman
==========
e.
The
Main Issue in the French Presidential Election:
National Sovereignty
The 2017 French Presidential election marks a profound change
in European political alignments. There is an ongoing shift from the
traditional left-right rivalry to opposition between globalization, in the form
of the European Union (EU), and national sovereignty.
==========
f.
London's March for
Science Targets Brexit
http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=18928
Scientists and activists in London also organized a March for Science on
Earth Day. One of the issues was how Brexit would
impact Britain's commitment to counter climate change
==========
g.
MSM Syria Lies Need to Be Exposed
https://www.corbettreport.com/msm-syria-lies-need-to-be-exposed/
==========
h.
After “Liberation,” U.S. To Give Control Of Raqqa To Rebels,
Not
Syrian Government
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/46907.htm
by
Whitney Webb
The Syrian city of Raqqa – the “stronghold” of terror group ISIS – will be
governed by a “civilian council” with the support of U.S. troops following its
“liberation” from terrorists. Their refusal to return the city to the Syrian
government will only worsen the nation’s six-year-long civil war.
i.
Is Mad Dog Planning to Invade East
Syria?
http://www.counterpunch.org/2017/04/24/is-mad-dog-planning-to-invade-east-syria/
by MIKE WHITNEY
The
Pentagon’s plan for seizing and occupying territory in east Syria is beginning
to take shape. According to a Fox News exclusive:
“The
Islamic State has essentially moved its so-called capital in Syria… ISIS is now
centered in Deir ez-Zur,
roughly 90 miles southeast of Raqqa, the officials
said.” (“ISIS moves its capital in Syria”, FOX News )
The
move by ISIS corresponds to the secretive massing of US troops and military
equipment on the Syria-Jordan border. It creates the perfect pretext
for a ground invasion followed by a long-term military occupation in an area
that Washington has sought to control for the last 18
months. Here’s more on the topic from South Front:
==========
j.
The Syria Strikes: A Conspiracy Theory
https://www.corbettreport.com/syriastrikes/
==========
k.
The Social Media Exodus Has Begun. Here’s Where
Everybody’s Going
https://www.corbettreport.com/the-social-media-exodus-has-begun-heres-where-everybodys-going/
==========
l.
The Most Dangerous Philosophy: What The Oligarchs Don't Want You To Know
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=POFHnidObbc&feature=youtu.be
==========
m.
Real News Roundtable: Maddow Response & Liberal Hawkishness on Russia, Iran
http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=18898
==========
n.
Hundreds of Thousands Take
to the Streets Worldwide for the Global March for Science
(5-hour live coverage)
https://www.democracynow.org/live/coming_up_on_april_22nd_democracy
==========
o.
District Courts Continue
to Challenge Trump's Travel Bans
http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=18940
Bill Black, former financial regulator says
banning Muslims is unconstitutional, we can not discriminate based on religion in this country
==========
p.
Trump’s Pro-Corporate
Tax Plan
http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=18936
&
https://www.democracynow.org/2017/4/27/a_land_grab_by_the_ruling
==========
q.
The United States of...
False Flags
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/46939.htm
by Finian
Cunningham
The
United States government is the world leader in purveying false flags and
propaganda stunts. Or, more generally, downright, systematic
lies.
To
justify the outrageous violation of international law, wars and aggression.