Bulletin N° 855
War of the Worlds
Radio Broadcast 1938
(audio – 57min))
The Night America Trembled 1957 - H.G. Wells' War of the Worlds
(film – 59min)
with Edward R. Murrow
Subject : The Morbid Entertainment of Corporate Media and the Corporate Interests They Serve.
July 24, 2019
Dear Colleagues and Friends of CEIMSA,
Historically, the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (the NSDAP or NAZI Party) came to power in 1933, in part as the result of the social devastation of World War I (1914-1918) and the draconian economic effects of The Treaty of Versailles (1919-1920). National Socialist activities in Germany stretch from 1920 to 1945, but the cultural roots of this movement extended back much further, to when anti-Semitism, Aryan racial supremacy, a populist Volkgeist, and authoritarian nationalist identity was promoted to unite a largely rural population who had suffered repeatedly from military conflicts and cultural divisiveness since the era of religious wars in the 16th century. And the future fruits of the German Fascist movement can be detected in the post-second-world-war CIA mobilization of covert activities like strategic assasinations and sabotage conducted by its "stay-behind" Gladio cells in Italy, France and Germany; then in the post-cold-war period of Neo-Nazi Party formations across Europe and the United States of America.
Professor George Mosse’s documentary history, Nazi Culture (1966) - which contains some 130 original documents from the period of the Third Reich - refers only fleetingly to the earlier periods of the Germanic experience. His anthology of documents is primarily concerned with the codification and implementation of this German heritage after the Nazi seizure of power in January 1933. In 1930, the social composition of the Nazi Party compared with that of German society at large looked something like this, according to statistics published by Wolfgang Schäfer in 1956 (p.346) :
Occupational Groups Nazi Party membership Society
Blue-collar workers 28.1 45.9
White-collar workers 25.6 12.0
Self-employed 20.7 9.0
Officials 8.3 5.1
Civil service employees 6.6 4.2
Teachers 1.7 0.9
Farmers 14.0 10.6
Others 3.3 17.4
Total % 100 100
We can see from this profile, that Nazi ideology had an inordinately strong appeal, as early as 1930, to self-employed Germans, white-collar workers, and farmers. Six of the eight categories of occupational groups were “over represented” in the party, the least over represented being officials and civil servants. The blue-collar workers and the miscellaneous occupational group, labeled “Others,” were “under represented” in the Party: for the latter, 17.4% of society and only 3.3% of Nazi Party membership, and the former constituting 45.9% of German society, but only 28.1% of Party membership.
In Chapter 8, Professor Mosse introduces a collection of documents describing public education, where the “Strength Through Joy” movement was focused on character building. In one document from this section, it is made clear that the Nazi concept of “character” did not mean “self-reliance” and “independence.” Instead, the pedagogical objective in the Third Reich was to instill obedience and service in the name of the Volk and the Führer. School curriculum included an increased emphasis on physical education, while book learning was always secondary. As always, anti-intellectualism prevailed when irrationality was elevated to a premise for social behavior.
In Chapter 6, on “Science and National Socialism,” Mosse includes a document by Kurt Gauger, who was a credentialed medical doctor who became an influential propagandist working in the government office of educational films and published pamphlets. In 1934, he was invited to speak at the International Medical Congress for Psychotherapy which that year was held in Berlin. His topic before this diverse audience was the Nazi version of psychoanalysis.
Since it is my purpose to discuss, to the best of my ability, some aspects of the fundamentals of German psychotherapy, it is necessary also to say something about the healing process, about the methodology of treating patients with psychic disorders.
In order to treat any sickness and to investigate the path to a cure, it is necessary to know the etiology, the cause of the illness. To a large degree this is identical with a thorough knowledge of the genesis of the development of the illness.
No doubt it is possible to heal many illnesses without an accurate knowledge of the etiology. Pains in the upper stomach frequently disappear if the patient is sent to bed and a special diet and warm bandages are ordered. Such treatment is beneficial under all circumstances, regardless whether the organs of the upper stomach are suffering from a slight inflammation or more serious disorders. But with sicknesses of more severe character it will always be necessary to diagnose not only the affected organ but also the kind of illness.
The same is true with psychic illnesses. A great number of so-called psychic disorders will disappear as the result of suggestive persuasion of the part of the doctor. Frequently the psychotherapist needs only to mention things which the patient has already told himself often enough, but the fact that a qualified physician says them encourages him.
It depends upon the process of perception, which is a necessary ingredient in the healing power.
Perception is a total process and only distantly related to knowledge; just as it defies comparison if a young midwife directs hundreds of births and then should become a mother herself.
Methodologically the road of retrospection is the road of Freud. At the risk of being considered a “Freudian,” on this road one must deal with events that have given a name to the whole segment of life in every human being, the age of puberty. Methodologically and taken by themselves, many of Freud’s finding are correct, but the interpretation of their meaning and their assigned place in the totality of human affairs appears unbearably wrong to us.
The road of Jung looks forward. Freud asks: Whence? Jung asks. Whither? Freud is the scientist, only the scientists; Jung is an ethician. One could also call him a seer, in the deepest and most reverent sense of the word. Jung is the poet among psychologists. His subconscious is full of living forms with whom one speaks and consorts like human begins, who can give counsel and warning, with whom one tries to be on a good footing because otherwise they may become “angry.” Jung’s psychology is a demonology. The essence of a demon is contained in its name. Primordial wisdom has it that one can disarm a demon, even make servant of him, if one knows his name.
This is nothing but the process of perception, which heals like any other form of cognition.
While the true magician knows that his forms are always his forms, even if occasionally they overwhelm him, it can still happen to the sorcerer’s apprentice that he seriously believes he can lead German youth to TAO (the unity-giving symbol of Chinese philosophy, an irrational unity of contraries] while we are satisfied with the choral music from the carillon of the Potsdam Garrison Church: “Always practice fidelity and honesty!”
Freudian psychology incorporates all the advantages and dangers of the Jewish spirit; Jungian psychology, all those of the Germanic soul.
Freud is atheistic; Jung, not in terms of doctrine but in terms of attitude, is marked by a Catholic piety. . . .
Perception is courageous, active, clear-eyed self-responsibility – an attitude which accepts personal responsibility even for those matters for which the individual human being himself is not responsible. This in the face of the Biblical saying “Man is wicked from youth,” or in the face of personal, undeserved calamity.
In such circumstances, the “ego” and the unconscious are not two different entities; they are one, as horse and rider are one when the rider truly knows and understands his horse, can tell him what he wants him to do, and when the horse has understood that it has a good rider.(pp.223-224)
Chapter 9, “What Is The State and Who Are Its Citizens?” includes documents that serve to redefine politics, as a “total way of life” and by extension also redefine the state and citizenship. “The state was merely an agent of the race, explains Professor Mosse in his introductory remarks to this chapter, “and thus the Nazi world view, which was based upon race, would determine the actions of the state.”
Law had one purpose only: to help cement together the community of the people as a Volk. It was the leader who in his person united state and the Volk: he was the living embodiment of the ideology and, through the state, the executor of actions necessary to safeguard the innermost purpose of the race. He was, therefore, both lawmaker and judge. As in all areas of culture, law and justice, state and citizenship, were subjected to a body of thought which desired a total unity.(p.319)
The rejection of government “by law and not by men” and with it the repudiation of representative government did indeed put the old legal forms into a new context. For Hitler, who prided himself upon having seized power legally, kept most of the old framework intact: the system of courts and judicial officials which he had inherited from the hated Republic. But he changed its spirit by changing the theory of law. . . . The people kept the “external” legal system to which they were accustomed, but in reality they lived under a system of law which was an instrument of power in the hands of the Nazi leadership.(p.320)
. . .
Civil rights, by definition, were restricted by the interests of the community of the Volk, and were not ideals protected either by the law or by the state. . . . This redefinition of civil liberties pervades all the Nazi culture, and can be seen in action, for example, where academic freedom was concerned. . . .(p.321)
The state was merely the “external” instrument of the Volk: the law and judicial administration must be swallowed up by the encompassing world view. The outward forms were kept, for Hitler conceived of his Reich as a “revolution of the spirit.” But his kind of revolution did change the German reality, largely through the distinction between form and substance which runs through these documents and many others in this book. .(p.322)
Carl Schmitt (b.1888) was a legal theoretician and taught law first at Greifswald University (1921), then at Bonn (1922-1933), and ended up at Köln and Berlin (1933-1945). Professor Mosse reproduces an except for Schmitt’s book, State, Movement, Volk (1933) in which he explains the important role asserted by the “new context” of Nazi power on the interpretation of civil law.
In view of the fundamental importance of the idea of leadership, it is necessary to understand clearly, and on a theoretical basis, the central concept of the National Socialist state law, the concept of leadership, and never to lose sight of its specific uniqueness. In order to understand the concept in its fullest importance and to defend it against falsifications and obfuscations, it is first and foremost necessary to confront it with several other, seemingly closely related concepts. . . . It is well known that a consistent liberal democracy looks for its ideal in political “leaderlessness.” It has not yet dawned upon the consciousness of most German jurists that for more than a century a whole system of specific conceptual formulations has been at work to eliminate the idea of leadership and that the levers of these concepts have been applied precisely at points where they perforce were politically most destructive, and even annihilating.
Under the pretext of building legal concepts, constitutional thinking, dominated by its fundamental principle of security, calculability, and measurability, changed all ideas, concepts, and institutions to abstractions for which norms had been established beforehand. It is maintained, for example, that every duty, if it is to be a lawful obligation and judicially relevant, should have a basis that is normatively measurable and, consequently, its content should be subject to judicial examination. In this simple manner a type of duty inaccessible to individualistic-liberal legal philosophy is eliminated for jurisprudence, and the monopoly of jurisprudence as such creates a definite political world view (which is by no means of specifically legal or scientific character). The vitally necessary duties of allegiance in a leadership state –for example, the duties of obedience or the part of civil servants and racial comrades, which are legal duties in the fullest sense – are thus converted into “merely moral” or “merely political” matters and thereby stripped of their legal core. . . . This line of though celebrated its triumph in the Leipzig lawsuit brought by the ousted Prussian government of the Weimar system against the German Reich [on July 20, 1932]. The allegiance of the various states (Länder) to the Reich is obviously a legal duty of political content, yet the essence was destroyed by this separation of law form politics, so that an especially typical representative of the Weimar system could ironically refer to it as “sentimentality.” From this point of view, the placing of the National Socialists and the Communists on the same political footing was “law” as differentiated from “politics”. On the other hand, to distinguish between the Communist organization (obviously a deadly enemy of the German state) and a German national movement was regarded as an offensive against “equality before the law,” and as “political” rather than “legal” evaluation. Here the hostility to the state that is at the core of the liberal antithesis of law and politics became manifest. . . .
Our concept is neither capable of nor does it need any mediating image or representative comparison. It stems neither form baroque allegories and representations nor from a Cartesian idée générale. It is a concept of immediate actuality and real presence. For that reason it demands, as a positive requirement, an unconditional similarity of racial stock between leader and followers The continuous and truthful contact between leader and followers and their reciprocal loyalty rests upon the racial similarity. Only this similarity of racial stock can prevent the leader’s power from becoming tyranny and despotism: only this makes it essentially different form the domination of an alien-structured will, no matter how intelligent and well-intentioned it may be.
. . .
Without the principle of the similarity of kind the National Socialist state could not exist, and its jurisprudence would be unthinkable. It would at once be handed back with all its institutions to its liberal and Marxist enemies, who now either criticize with a show of superiority or offer obsequious assimilations.
It is especially necessary for the scientific jurists of the new German law to become fully conscious of the force with which this concept of similarity of racial stock penetrates all systematic judicial considerations. The idea that a judge is normatively bound to a law has today become theoretically and practically untenable in many fields of practical jurisprudence; No law can any longer provide the calculability and security which, according to constitutional thinking, belongs to the definition of law. Security and calculability do not lie in normativeness but in the situation that is postulated as “normal.”(pp.324-326)
In his general introduction to this collection of German Fascist documents, Professor Mosse warns that although the historical event of Nazism is past, many of the cultural attributes of this ideology remain with us, and could possibly be mobilized once again in capitalist society, and with devastating results. He further suggests that there may be important lessons embedded in these documents, not the least of which was the non-violent nature of the Nazi takeover. Many people in Germany were brought into the fold of the Fascist "spiritual revolution" almost without recognizing it, before it was too late to prevent it.
Hitler’s world has gone forever. But many of the basic attitudes and prejudices which went into his world view are still with us, waiting to be actualized , to be directed into a new mass consciousness. The documents which follow may seem to the reader, thirty years late, to be so outrageous as to verge on the comical! Yet we must remember that at one point in history a regime did take these ideas seriously and so did millions who lived under it. Nazism was overthrown by a foreign war, not by internal revolution, and a large resistance to Nazism grew up only as the war was being lost. This is partly explained by Hitler’s successes: both in foreign policy and internally. During the years when these documents were written and their ideas put into practice, unemployment had vanished (there were over 6 million unemployed in 1933), the boundaries of Germany were being extended, and the humiliating Treaty of Versailles was being liquidated. The world view was spread against the background of considerable success.
Yet the world view for which Hitler stood is in itself a part of this success. That some of its basic attitudes are still with us should give pause for thought. Perhaps far from being farfetched and almost comical, this ideology appeals to a basic need for an organic community, for historical continuity, and for the shelter of a firm and established morality. A revolution of the spirit is for many men more tempting than one which brings about social or economic changes and which might lead to chaos instead of cementing order. Nazism exemplifies modern conservatism which is vulnerable to extreme views even if it rejects them. It is unfashionable to speak of the lessons of history, but perhaps there is a lesson for the present hidden among these documents of the past.(p.xli)
The 21 + items below reflect the many crises that we are experiencing today and the dangers that these events present to us. Either consciously or unconsciously we must adjust to these states of emergency and allow the uncertainties to penetrate our souls. The alienation and exploitation of late capitalist production is accompanied by myriad contradictions in our daily lives, and how we respond to these contradictions will be decisive for our future. The morbid policies that are pursued today by political leaders and their mindless base speak to a moral bankruptcy that is thinly veiled by what seems to be an entertaining delight in the suffering of others. Meanwhile, the contradictions we are living become increasingly apparent and compel many of us to new acts of solidarity.
Professor emeritus of American Studies
Director of Research
University of Paris-Nanterre
Center for the Advanced Study of American Institutions and Social Movements
The University of California-San Diego
Asteroid the size of Great Pyramid of Giza to zip past Earth tomorrow
by Sophie Curtis
Merger Mania in the Military Industry
by William D. Hartung
Lockheed Martin’s government contracts rival the operating budget of the State Department, writes William D. Hartung. And now it’s about to have company.
The Military-Industrial Complex on Steroids
by William D. Hartung
War Profiteers and the Demise of the US Military-Industrial Complex
by Dmitry Orlov
“Our Squad Is Big”: Reps. Ocasio-Cortez, Omar, Tlaib
and Pressley Condemn Trump’s Racist Attack
with Amy Goodman
'Send Her Back': The Battle That Will Define Us Forever
by Adam Serwer
The “Squad” Will Need to Realize that You Can’t Defeat White Supremacy with White Supremacy
by Ajamu Baraka
Trump's Racist Rhetoric is Deliberate - Will it Lead Us to Fascism?
with Henry Giroux
History Holds the Antidote to Trump’s Fascist Politics
by Henry Giroux
Omar and Trump
by Gary Leupp
Fear spreads on Mexican border with new US policy
“Never again means never again.”
From Palestine to the USA-Mexico border
by Robert Fisk
Colonialism is What’s Wrong With Puerto Rico
with Nellie Bailey and Glen Ford
What makes Iran strong enough
to stand against a superpower like the USA?
by Elijah J. Magnier
Javad Zarif, Foreign Minister, Iran
with Zeinab Badawi
Trump's Iran Treaty Withdrawal and Sanctions Based on Lies, but War Could Be a Reality
with Khury Petersen-Smith
China fed up, goes after Iran sanctions
with Christy Ai
A US Led Naval Coalition In The Persian Gulf
Will Raise The Threat Of War
by Seyed Mohammad Marandi
Saudi Arabia’s leader must reset his relationship with the U.S.
as Iran tensions soar
(The Washington Post)
by David Ignatius
Schrodinger’s Drone: US Commander says Americans ‘may have’ shot down another Iranian drone
Brighter US-Iran Prospects
by Patrick Lawrence
From: "World BEYOND War" <email@example.com>
Sent: Monday, July 15, 2019
Subject: WBW News & Action: Really Good Lipstick
Opioid death rates soared in communities where pain pills flowed
by Sari Horwitz , Steven Rich and Scott Higham
Drug Statistics – Worldometers
Cocaine, Heroin, Cannabis, Ecstasy: How Big is the Global Drug Trade?
Michael Hudson: Rescuing the Banks Instead of the Economy
by Yves Smith
The Guns and Butter podcast is produced by Bonnie Faulkner, Yarrow Mahko, and Tony Rango. Visit them at gunsandbutter.org, e-mail them at firstname.lastname@example.org. and follow them on Twitter at gandbradio.
Deutsche Bank's radical restructuring rocks Frankfurt
Why Some Countries Are Poor and Others Rich
Israeli rabbi educators at military prep-academy
are caught on video congratulating Hitler
by Johnathan Ofir
2020 presidential candidates' views on Israel
Israel’s Indispensable Service to Oil Thieves and Empire
by Bruce Katz
Zionism and Nazism cooperated
with George Galloway
Israel's Right Wing Is Worse Than Europe’s
by Zeev Sternhell
Israeli rampage of destruction in Jerusalem village
by Tamara Nassar
Syrian State Media Report Israeli Attack on Tel Haraa in Southern Syria
by Eva J. Koulouriotis
Palestine in Pictures: June 2019
Ilhan Omar introduces resolution upholding right to boycott
by Nora Barrows-Friedman
Israel’s Involvement in Libya’s Civil War
by Giorgio Cafiero
RT in English
Sent: Monday, July 21, 2019
(July 21, 2019)
A Non-Hack That Raised Hillary’s Hackles
by Ray McGovern
How Hitler Defied the International Bankers
Why fascism is so tempting -- and how your data could power it
with Yuval Noah Harari
The ‘new right’ is not a reaction to neoliberalism, but its offspring
by Lars Cornelissen
The American dark money behind Europe’s far right
by Mary Fitzgerald and Claire Provost
Why are people across France demanding to know 'Where's Steve'?
Anti-Trump’ CNN Presstitute Defends Trump’s
Persecution Of Assange
by Caitlin Johnstone
The US Police-State Is Now Undeniable: The Assange Case — Strategic Culture
by Eric Zuesse
Target of a Malware Attack
as Twitter Takes Down Assange Support Group’s Account
by Elizabeth Vos
Strong support for Julian Assange and Chelsea Manning
at Tolpuddle Martyrs Festival
Bernadette Evangelist [mailto:email@example.com]
Subject: Thurs. July 25 Vigil to Fee Julian Assange & Chelsea Manning
Thursday Vigil to Free Julian Assange & Chelsea Manning
Thursday, July 25, 2019
The New York Times Building, 8th Avenue @ 40 Street, NYC
4:30 pm - 6:00 pm
Julian Assange and Chelsea Manning are responsible for making us aware of the killing of innocent civilians, including children and members of the press in Iraq by the United States. The people who revealed the truth of the war crimes are in prison, while those who committed the crimes, ordered the crimes, that were carried out in our names and paid for with our tax dollars, walk free. The NY Times and other corporate media have refused to defend a free press, Julian Assange and Chelsea Manning during their imprisonment and extradition efforts against Julian Assange to be tried in the US under the Espionage Act. Now, after the UN special rapporteur on torture, Nils Melzer, has concluded that Julian Assange’s treatment during his imprisonment amounts to torture, The New York Times is also guilty of silence as their fellow publisher and journalist is being subjected to inhumane conditions for publishing the truth.
We return to The New York Times on Thursday, July 25, to warn The New York Times that they are next, demand they defend and protect Julian Assange, Chelsea Manning, and Freedom of the Press. Please join us.
Chuck, Bernadette, & Patricia
Please rsvp, share, and invite Facebook friends @ https://www.facebook.com/events/356282521732420/
alan haber [mailto:firstname.lastname@example.org]
Subject: InternationalDay(s) of Peace... Join in helping plan and promote.
Time for co-creativity...The permit request is in. Now is the timer "Full Spectrum Cooperation". ...Our answer to the Pentagone 2020 Vision which is “Full Spectrum Dominance"
Leaflet draft 1. INTERNATIONAL DAY(s) OF PEACE
Saturday, September 21, and Sunday, September 22, 2019
DOWNTOWN ANN ARBOR, Center of the City Commons 300 Block, South Fifth Avenue
NOW organizing the Production Team for the 2019 PEACE DAYs
WHO IS INTERESTED, WILLING AND ABLE?
Seeking: speakers, musicians, poets, dancers, singers, artists
special for children
Festival of Nations...gathering from all the places in the world from where people have come to be in Ann Arbor
Questions to consider:
What would help make Peace in the world and where you live?
What and who are the Powers and People Blocking the Way?
What can I do?
INVITED: All Ann Arbor Area Organizations and Projects and People concerned with Peace are invited to be co-sponsors
and have a presentation table for your good works. Free and family friendly
Respond: Megiddo Peace Project: email@example.com, 734 657 8083
From: "Medea Benjamin, CODEPINK" <firstname.lastname@example.org>
Sent: Wednesday, July 24, 2019
Subject: What’s the CIA doing in Iran?
Tensions are escalating again as we continue to watch the fallout from the Trump administration’s manufactured crisis with Iran. Last week Iran seized a British oil tanker — Britain had seized an Iranian ship at the beginning of July. Now Iran says it has arrested 17 CIA-trained spies, and some have been sentenced to death. To top it off, the Trump administration announced that it is deploying 500 troops to Saudi Arabia, the arch-rival of Iran.
The Iraq war was devastating. The idea of repeating this colossal failure—on an even bigger scale, with zero justification and no plan for what would come next—is terrifying. Here are a few actions you can take:
Representative Ro Khanna responded to Iran’s arrest of 17 accused CIA spies by tweeting: “If true [that they were spying], we need more transparency and more answers about what the CIA is doing in Iran. What is the CIA’s goal here? We should not support any regime change in Iran, and instead, learn from the 1953 overthrow of Mossadegh.”
Before the theocratic government of Iran today, there was the brutal Shah who came to power following the CIA overthrow of Iran’s then democratically elected, pro-Western government. Under the Shah, a contract was signed with the British Anglo-Iranian Oil Company giving Britain exclusive rights to the country’s oil for the next 60 years.
Public ire over the giveaway of Iran’s biggest resource culminated with the 1951 election of Mohammad Mossadegh, who introduced a bill — unanimously approved by Parliament — to nationalize the country’s oil. Britain responded by appealing to the US and then in 1953, the CIA orchestrated a coup, reinstating the Shah.
Mossadegh’s removal in 1953 ended up having a tragic impact on US-Iranian relations and of course the Iranian people. The Shah gained even more dictatorial powers and all secular parties and organizations that had opposed the Shah were dismantled and banned, setting the stage for the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
Since 1979, US policy towards Iran has largely been one of economic strangulation through a variety of sanctions in an attempt to foment a counter-revolution. It was only thanks to Obama getting the nuclear deal that the tide began to turn, but then came Trump, who tore the deal to pieces.
The Trump administration’s campaign of “maximum pressure” only vindicates Iranian hardliners who say “See, we told you that you should never have made a deal with the US in the first place.” Those hardliners are becoming more powerful, cracking down on dissent. So the Iranian people pay the price, both from suffering under the sanctions and the conservative backlash.
If you haven’t picked it up yet, get Medea’s book Inside the Islamic Republic of Iran to learn more and take action to stop a war with Iran by telling Pelosi to make sure the No War with Iran amendment is included in the NDAA. Remember to also ask your Senators to support Udall’s legislation, and take action on social media.
stop the next war now!
Economic Update: Rise and Fall of the USSR
with Richard Wolff
Economic Update: China's Economic Record and Strategy
with Richard Wolff
U.S. Economic Warfare and Likely Foreign Defenses
by Michael Hudson
Trump Is Back Under Bolton’s Thumb
by Paul Crage
The World is Dedollarizing
by Peter Koenig
From: Mark Crispin
Sent: Tuesday, July 23, 2019
Subject: [MCM] Why this great book, by Bobby Kennedy, Jr., was blacked out by "our free press"
Not to hold you in suspense, they blacked it out because of what it says about the CIA, which pulls their strings—and which clearly engineered the murder of our president in Dallas (among countless other murders).
Although Ed Curtin's piece is over a year old, I'm sharing it today because that blackout was so total that even I, who pay attention to these things, didn't know about this excellent book until quite recently, when I discovered and devoured it.
American Values: Lessons I Learned from My Family
by Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.
A Review by Ed Curtin
(June 10, 2018)
When a book as fascinating, truthful, beautifully written, and politically significant as American Values: Lessons I Learned from My Family, written by a very well-known author by the name of Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. and published by a prominent publisher (HarperCollins), is boycotted by mainstream book reviewers, you know it is an important book and has touched a nerve that the corporate mainstream media wish to anesthetize by eschewal.
The Kennedy name attracts the mainstream media only when they can sensationalize something “scandalous” – preferably sexual or drug related – whether false or true, or something innocuous that can lend credence to the myth that the Kennedys are lightweight, wealthy celebrities descended from Irish mobsters. This has been going on since the 1960s with the lies and cover-ups about the assassinations of President Kennedy and his brother Robert, propaganda that continues to the present day, always under the aegis of the CIA-created phrase “conspiracy theory.” A thinking person might just get the idea that the media are in league with the CIA to bury the Kennedys.
Such disinformation has been promulgated by many sources, prominent among them from the start in the 1960s was the CIA’s Sam Halpern, a former Havana bureau chief for the New York Times, who was CIA Director Richard Helms’s deputy (the key source for Seymour Hersh’s Kennedy hatchet job, The Dark Side of Camelot), who began spreading lies about the Kennedys that have become ingrained in the minds of leftists, liberals, centrists, and conservatives to this very day. Fifty years later, after decades of reiteration by the CIA’s Wurlitzer machine (the name given by the CIA’s Frank Wisner to the CIA’s penetration and control of the mass media, Operation Mockingbird), Halpern’s lies have taken on mythic proportions. Among them: that Joseph. P. Kennedy, the patriarch, was a bootlegger and Nazi lover; that he was Mafia connected and fixed the 1960 election with Chicago mobster Sam Giancana; and that JFK and RFK knew of and approved the CIA plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.
Of course whenever a writer extolls the Kennedy name and legacy, he is expected to add the caveat that the Kennedys, especially JFK and RFK, were no saints. Lacking this special talent to determine sainthood or its lack, I will defer to those who feel compelled to temper their praise with a guilty commonplace. Let me say at the outset that I greatly admire President John Kennedy and his brother, Robert, very courageous men who died in a war to steer this country away from the nefarious path of war-making and deep-state control that it has followed with a vengeance since their murders.
And I admire Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. for writing this compelling book that is a tour de force on many levels.
Part memoir, part family history, part astute political analysis, and part-confessional, it is in turns delightful, sad, funny, fierce, and frightening in its implications. From its opening sentence – “From my youngest days I always had the feeling that we were all involved in some great crusade, that the world was a battleground for good and evil, and that our lives would be consumed in the conflict.” – to its last – “‘Kennedys never give up, ’ she [Ethel Kennedy] chided us. ‘We have to die with our boots on!’” – the book is imbued with the spirit of the eloquent, romantic Irish-Catholic rebels whose fighting spirit and jaunty demeanor the Kennedy family has exemplified. RFK, Jr. tells his tales in words that honor that literary and spiritual tradition.
So what is it about this book that has caused the mainstream press to avoid reviewing it?
Might it be the opening chapter devoted to his portrait of his grandfather, Joseph P. Kennedy, who comes across as a tender and doting grandpa, who created an idyllic world for his children and grandchildren at “The Big House” on Cape Cod? We see Grandpa Joe taking the whole brood of Kennedys, including his three famous political sons, for a ride on his cabin cruiser, the Marlin, and JFK (Uncle Jack) singing “The Wearing of the Green” and, together with his good friend, Dave Powers, teaching the kids to whistle “The Boys of Wexford” (Wexford being the Kennedy’s ancestral home), an Irish rebel tune all of whose words John Kennedy knew by heart:
We are the boys of Wexford
Who fought with heart and hand
To burst in twain
The galling chain
And free our native land.
We see Joseph P. Kennedy sitting on the great white porch, holding hands with his wife Rose Kennedy, as the kids played touch football on the grass beyond. We read that “Grandpa wanted his children’s minds unshackled by ideology” and that his “overarching purpose was to engender in his children a social conscience” and use their money and advantages to make America and the world a better place. We learn, according to Joe’s son, Senator Robert Kennedy, that he loved all of them deeply, “not love as it is described with such facility in popular magazines, but the kind of love that is affection and respect, order, encouragement and support.” We hear him staunchly defended from the political criticisms that he was a ruthless, uncaring, and political nut-case who would do anything to advance his political and business careers. In short, he is presented very differently from the popular understanding of him as a malign force and a ruthless bastard.
Portraying his grandfather as a good and loving man may be one minor reason that Robert Jr.’s book is being ignored.
No doubt it is not because of the picture he paints of his paternal grandmother, Rose Kennedy, who comes across similarly to her husband as a powerful presence and as a devoted mother and grandmother who expected much from her children and grandchildren but gave much in return. Robert Jr. writes that “Grandpa and Grandma were products of an alienated Irish generation that kept itself intact through rigid tribalism embodied in the rituals and mystical cosmologies of medieval Catholicism,” but that both believed the Church should be a champion of the poor as Christ taught. The glowing portrait of Grandmother Rose could not be the reason the book has not been reviewed.
Nor can the chapter on Ethel Kennedy’s family, the Skakels, be the reason. It is a fascinating peek into certain aspects of Ethel’s character – the daring, outrageous, fun-loving, and wild side – from her upbringing in a wild and crazy family, together with the Kennedys one of the richest Catholic families in the U.S. in days past. But there their similarities end. The Skakels were conservative Republicans in the oil, coal, and extraction business, who “reveled in immodest consumption,” were huge into guns and “more primitive weaponry like bows, knives, throwing spears and harpoons,” and “pretty much captured shot, stabbed, hooked, or speared anything that moved, including each other.” The Skakel men worked as informers for the CIA wherever their businesses took them around the world and they worked very hard to sabotage JFK’s run for the presidency. Ethel’s brother George was a creepy and crazy wild man. Once Ethel met RFK, she switched political sides for good, embracing the Kennedy’s liberal Democratic ethos.
A vignette of Lemoyne Billings, JFK’s dear friend, who after RFK’s assassination took Robert Jr. under his wing, can’t be the reason. It too is a loving portrait of the man RFK Jr. says was “perhaps the most important influence in my life” and also the most fun. In his turn Billings said that JFK was the most fun person he had ever met. They referred to each other as Johnny and Billy and both were expelled from Choate for hijinks. But stories about Lem, JFK, and RFK Jr. would attract, not repel, the mainstream press’s book reviewers.
Clearly the chapter about Robert Jr.’s early bad behavior, his drug use, and his conflicted relationship with his mother would be fuel for the Kennedy haters. “I seem to have been at odds with my mother since birth,” he writes. “My mere presence seemed to agitate her.” Mother and son were at war for decades, and his father’s murder sent him on a long downward spiral into self-medicating that inflamed their relationship. Moving from school to school and keeping away from home as much as possible, his “homecomings were like the arrival of a squall. With me around to provoke her, my mother didn’t stay angry very long – she went straight to rage.” His victory over drugs through Twelve Step meetings and his reconciliation with his mother are also the stuff that the mainstream press revels in, yet they ignore the book.
The parts about his relationship with his father, his father’s short but electrifying presidential campaign in 1968, his death, and funeral are deeply moving and evocative. Deep sadness and lost hope accompanies the reader as one revisits RFK’s funeral and the tear-filled eulogy given by his brother Ted, then the long slow train ride bearing the body from New York to Washington, D.C. as massive crowds, lined the tracks, weeping and waving farewell. And the writer, now a 64-year-old-man, but then a 14- year-old-boy, named after his look-alike father, the father who supported and encouraged him despite his difficulties in school, the father who took the son on all kinds of outdoor adventures – sailing, white water canoeing, mountain climbing – always reminding him to “always do what you are afraid to do” and which the son understood to be “boot camp for the ultimate virtue – moral courage. Despite his high regard for physical bravery, my father told us that moral courage is the rarer and more valuable commodity.” Such compelling, heartfelt writing, with not a word about who might have killed his father, would be another reason why the mainstream press would review this book.
It is the heart of this book that has the reviewers avoiding it like the plague, perhaps a plague introduced by a little mockingbird.
American Values revolves around the long war between the Kennedys and the CIA that resulted in the deaths of JFK and RFK. All the other chapters, while very interesting personal and family history, pale in importance.
No member of the Kennedy family since JFK or RFK has dared to say what RFK, Jr. does in this book. He indicts the CIA.
While some news outlets have mentioned the book in passing because of its assertion that what has been known for a long time to historically aware people – that RFK immediately suspected that the CIA was involved in the assassination of JFK – Robert Jr.’s writing on the war between the CIA and his Uncle Jack and father is so true and so carefully based on the best scholarship and family records that the picture he paints fiercely indicts the CIA in multiple ways while also indicting the mass media that have been its mouthpieces. These sections of the book are masterful lessons in understanding the history and machinations of “The Agency” that the superb writer and researcher, Douglass Valentine, calls “organized crime” – the CIA. A careful reading of RFK Jr.’s critical history leads to the conclusion that the CIA and the Mafia are not two separate murderer’s rows, but one organization that has corrupted the country at the deepest levels and is, as Kennedy quotes his father Robert – “a dark force infiltrating American politics and business, unseen by the public, and out of reach of democracy and the justice system” – posing “a greater threat to our country than any foreign enemy.” The CIA’s covert operations branch has grown so powerful that it feels free to murder its opponents at home and abroad and make sure “splendid little wars” are continually waged around the globe for the interests of its patrons. Robert Jr. says, “A permanent state of war abroad and a national security surveillance state at home are in the institutional self-interest of the CIA’s clandestine services.”
No Kennedy has dared speak like this since Senator Robert Kennedy last did so – but privately – and paid the price. His son tells us:
“Days before his murder, as my father pulled ahead in the California polls, he began considering how he would govern the country. According to his aide Fred Dutton, his concerns often revolved around the very question that his brother asked at the outset of his presidency, ‘What are we going to do about the CIA?’ Days before the California primary, seated next to journalist Pete Hamill on his campaign plane, my father mused aloud about his options. ‘I have to decide whether to eliminate the operations arm of the Agency or what the hell to do with it,’ he told Hamill. ‘We can’t have those cowboys wandering around and shooting people and doing all those unauthorized things.’”
Then he was shot dead.
For whatever their reasons, for fifty plus years the Kennedy family has kept silent on these matters. Now Senator Robert Kennedy’s namesake has picked up his father’s mantle and dared to tell truths that take courage to utter. By excoriating the secret forces that seized power, first with the murder of his Uncle Jack when he was a child, and then his father, he has exhibited great moral courage and made great enemies who wish to ignore his words as if they were never uttered. But they have. They sit between the covers of this outstanding and important book, a book written with wit and eloquence, a book that should be read by any American who wants to know what has happened to their country.
There is a telling anecdote that took place in the years following JFK’s assassination when RFK was haunted by his death. It says so much about Senator Kennedy and now his son, a son who in many ways for many wandering years became a prodigal son lost in grief and drugs only to return home to find his voice and tell the truth for his father and his family. He writes,
“One day he [RFK] came into my bedroom and handed me a hardcover copy of Camus’s The Plague. ‘I want you to read this,’ he said with particular urgency. It was the story of a doctor trapped in a quarantined North African city while a raging epidemic devastates its citizenry; the physician’s small acts of service, while ineffective against the larger tragedy, give meaning to his own life, and, somehow, to the larger universe. I spent a lot of time thinking about that book over the years, and why my father gave it to me. I believe it was the key to a door that he himself was then unlocking….It is neither our position nor our circumstances that define us… but our response to those circumstances; when destiny crushes us, small heroic gestures of courage and service can bring peace and fulfillment. In applying our shoulder to the stone, we give order to a chaotic universe. Of the many wonderful things my father left me, this philosophical truth was perhaps the most useful. In many ways, it has defined my life.”
By writing American Values: Lessons I Learned from My Family, Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. has named the plague and entered the fight. His father would be very proud of him. He has defined himself.
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From: Mark Crispin
Sent: Friday, July 19, 2019
Subject: [MCM] Operation Gladio is still in play: Italy seizes weapons from neo-Nazis
That's Operation Gladio, a vast and lethal covert operation mounted by the CIA - and yet the Western press (of course) is linking it to Russia.
Those who want to know more about Operation Gladio—the mother of all false-flag operations - should read Paul Williams' excellent book of that same title:
Italy seizes weapons from neo-Nazis...Western media
immediately fabricates a link to Russia
by Danielle Ryan
Western media continued its tradition of whitewashing far-right extremism in Ukraine this week, reporting that Italian police busted a neo-Nazi gang ‘linked’ to Russia – but this alleged link was dreamed up out of thin air.
Italian police said on Monday that they had seized a cache of weapons and Nazi memorabilia belonging to a neo-Nazi group operating in northern Italy. The bust was part of a year-long investigation into extremists who had fought “against the separatists” in the Donbass region of Ukraine.
Those who read the news via major outlets like the BBC, CNN, The Guardian, Politico, ABC News, Sky News, CBS and Reuters learned a totally different version of events, however.
Sent: Tuesday, July 23, 2019
Subject: Message from Michael Albert
Sent: Tuesday, July 23, 2019
Subject: [MCM] No, Virginia, we didn't go to the moon.
Once upon a time, when speaking on the subject of "conspiracy theory," I would make the point that some conspiracy theories are loony fantasies—and used, as an example, the claim that the moon landing was a hoax.
After one such talk, someone who'd actually looked into it came up and suggested that I do the same—which, of course, I should have done before popping off about the subject. So I did; and found, to my embarrassment, that I was wrong, and those "conspiracy theorists" absolutely right.
That that marvelous achievement—which "our free press" has been screamingly applauding on its (alleged) 50th anniversary—was (and still is) scientifically IMPOSSIBLE has been demonstrated indisputably by many independent minds out there, their solid work reflexively blacked out, deplored and/or derided by the same minions of the state who push the many other Big Lies that have kept so many of us in the dark.
If you haven't looked into it, I suggest Dave McGowan's incisive (and hilarious) Wagging the Moondoggie, and Massimo Mazzucco's excellent documentary American Moon, as well as the other works linked here.
Dave McGowan's Wagging the Moondoggie:
Other relevant writings/videos: