Ruth Conniff :
(©Progressive Magazine, May 24, 2002)
Greens Go After Wellstone
Who would have guessed that the hopes of both major parties in the midterm
elections
would hinge on one man: Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota? Wellstone,
who is
generally viewed by the Washington establishment as an outré 60s-radical
type, is in the
race of his life for reelection this fall. The most liberal member of the
Senate, where the
Democrats hold a one-seat majority, is in a neck-and-neck contest with
President Bush's
hand-picked candidate, Norm Coleman, the party-switching former mayor of
St. Paul.
Bush and Vice President Cheney intervened to make sure Coleman would not
face a
primary challenge, and they are now aggressively campaigning to help Coleman
push
Wellstone out.
To make matters more interesting, the Minnesota Greens have fielded their
own candidate
in the Senate race, Ed "Eagle Man" McGaa, an author of popular books on
Native
American spirituality and ecology, and a U.S. Marine Corps veteran of the
Korean and
Vietnam wars. More on McGaa and the Greens in a moment.
The Bush vs. Wellstone contest is an interesting turn of events in part
because the
Democrats have been running away from the liberal politics Wellstone represents
ever
since Bill Clinton came to power. Talk more about tax cuts and less about
the poor,
Clinton's old cronies at the Democratic Leadership Council constantly intone.
But in this year's Congressional races, the Democrats seem to be suddenly
interested in
running as progressives again.
In close House and Senate races around the country, they are emphasizing
"old Democrat"
issues like clean air and water, better wages and working conditions, and
the public interest
versus fat cat greed. Why? The polls, of course.
James Carville, Stanley Greenberg, and Robert Shrum, the founders of Democracy
Corps,
a liberal political research group, are urging Democrats to be more aggressive
on what they
call "meat and potatoes" issues. They cite their own survey of likely voters
that shows
Democrats have an edge when they clearly distinguish themselves from their
Republican
rivals. "We should attack the rollback of environmental protections and
the billions of
retroactive corporate tax breaks, including hundreds of millions for Enron,"
a Democracy
Corps memo advises. "Both of these actions reflect the Republicans' unstinting
commitment to its corporate donors at the expense of the public. And we
should attack the
reckless budgets that will bring red ink for a decade and threaten to bankrupt
our most
important programs."
Better late than never. Three cheers for the progressive comeback!
Jumping on the populist bandwagon, the Democratic National Committee has
produced a
"message card" for all Democrats running for office this year, outlining
key talking points in
case the candidates have forgotten what the party is supposed to stand
for.
Democrats "created Social Security and will fight to protect it," "will
provide real pension
protections and impose stiff new criminal penalties for corporate pension
fraud," and "will
enforce clean air and water laws and ensure that polluters will pay."
Lest you get swept up in the populist fervor, however, the Democratic Leadership
Council
has released its own polls. The DLC confirms that Democrats are running
ahead of
Republicans among likely voters on what they call "kitchen-table issues."
But it goes on to
identify a new group of wishy-washy swing voters even more fuzzy and fickle
in their
political beliefs than the last election's dithering "soccer moms." "Office
Park Dads" the
DLC calls them. These are men between the ages of twenty-five and fifty,
non-union
members, moderate, stockholding suburbanites who comprise about 15 percent
of the
electorate and voted for Bush at the last minute in the 2000 elections.
They generally
prefer Republicans, but identify as independents, the DLC reports.
Yes, the guy ahead of you with the Bush bumper sticker on his S.U.V., commuting
from
Sprawlsville to the suburbs will, if the DLC has its way, determine the
outcome of the next
election.
But in Minnesota, the Greens might determine the outcome.
Ed McGaa won the Minnesota Green Party endorsement, with a two-thirds majority,
despite an effort by their former Vice Presidential candidate Winona LaDuke
and others to
get the party to forego a Senate race against Wellstone. At the Minnesota
Green Party
convention, the "none of the above" option for Senate got less than 12
percent of the vote.
The Democrats put so much negative pressure on the Greens not to run a
candidate in
Wellstone's race, says Green spokesperson Holle Brian, that the Greens
got mad. "People
came to the convention with the goal of endorsing a candidate come hell
or high water,"
she says. There was already a fair amount of progressive grumbling in Minnesota
over
Wellstone's votes authorizing Bush's military response to the terrorist
attacks of September
11, as well as past votes supporting military actions in the former Yugoslavia
and Iraq.
"We want to give people in Minnesota the opportunity to vote their conscience
. If they're
opposed to military actions in the Middle East, the Patriot Act, the sanctions
on Iraq," says
Brian.
The funny thing is, though, the Green candidate for Senate doesn't seem
to share his
party's position on those issues.
Ed McGaa takes exception to the part of the Green Party platform that opposes
the war on
terrorism. As a Korean War vet, he says he believes constructive military
intervention is
sometimes warranted. He remains proud of his 110 combat missions in Vietnam
and is still
a staunch anti-communist. Some response was needed to September 11, he
adds.
McGaa has also stirred up some controversy for accusing Wellstone of being
"more loyal
to Israel than he is to the United States"-a statement Wellstone supporters
and some
Greens view as anti-Semitic.
McGaa takes umbrage at the accusation, insisting that he is "pro-Jewish,
if you want to put
it that way," and merely thinks the United States should ease up on foreign
aid. His
comments on Wellstone's disability (the Senator announced this year that
he has a mild
form of M.S.)-suggesting Wellstone might not survive the election season-didn't
go over
particularly well, either. A polished politician he is not. But then neither
is his role model,
Minnesota governor Jesse Ventura.
As for the possibility that his candidacy might tip the scales in the Senate,
McGaa is
perhaps the only person involved in the hotly contested Minnesota race
who hasn't given it
much thought.
"Let's just let the cards fall where they're at," he says. "It will be
a shame if the
Republicans get in. On that I have to agree with you. I'm not enamored
by George Bush's
policies. I think I may draw a lot of people, though, because I'm uniquely
different, and I
have a lot of knowledge, and plus I'm a veteran and right now people are
very, very
patriotic."
With his patriotic, anti-communist, combat vet credentials, McGaa figures
he'll draw more
votes from conservatives, anyway. "So you Wellstone people can just calm
down," he says.
If he's right, it may be a relief to the Wellstone campaign. But it's a
bit of a headache for
his fellow Greens.
Nationally, the Greens say that the war on terrorism is one of the two
defining issues, along
with global trade, in their Congressional races. "I can count on one hand
the number of
Democrats who have spoken out strongly on the question of this war without
end" Ben
Manski, co-chair of the Green Party of the United States. " So this year
you'll find Greens
talking about it." The Greens, Manski points out, are part of a global
political party, "and we
have a responsibility to bring the U.S. into the global community."
But is Ed McGaa the man for that job?
"Unfortunately, we're just now finding out," says Brian, who concedes that
the Minnesota
Greens didn't know too much about their Senate candidate when he showed
up at the
nominating convention. (His candidate "screening interview," posted on
the Greens' web
site, touts McGaa's willingness to learn more about nonviolence, and notes,
"Ed used to
hunt deer, lasted as a vegetarian for less than a week, but believes animal
testing should be
highly regulated. He does not believe in animals being used for human amusement
and
loves the formation of the dog parks.")
"He presented himself well," says Brian. "He's a Native American man, and
we wanted a
diverse slate. . . . That's what we came a way with. It was a long day."
At the end of the day, somehow the Minnesota Greens fielded a candidate
in the
most-watched Senate race in the nation whom they aren't sure supports their
platform.
There is talk of another Green candidate mounting a primary challenge against
McGaa in
September. "Then there are others of us who want to continue to work with
Ed to kind of
try to mold him into our kind of candidate," says Brian, adding, "It's
been a rough week."
"I'm an American Indian. We're not as analytical as you folks are," McGaa
says when
pressed on the spoiler issue. "We observe and go forth with our life. I
come from a
different background. We are more sharing and generous. We're less materialistic.
We're
more culturally oriented. So I have different values to bring to the table."
Not that he has anything against Wellstone, he says, whom he calls "a nice,
nice man" and
the candidate he personally would support if he were not in the election.
He even hints that
he might be willing to strike a deal: "There are all different options.
You can run and check
the polls and see how they're doing and then think about strategy. If Wellstone
is treating
me decently and treating me fair, maybe I could sit down and talk. But
if he treats me
badly and Coleman has been treating me fair I might not be in such a mood."
Meanwhile, the rest of the country is watching. The Bush Administration
is focusing its
efforts on a too-close-to-call Senate race in South Dakota and a few other
races, but
Minnesota is the place to play. Groups like the National Abortion Rights
Action League
(NARAL) are making independent expenditures, paid phone calls, hiring organizers,
taking
out ads, and conducting get-out-the-vote drives to help Wellstone. Democratic
control of
the Senate is crucial for pro-choice groups, says Monica Mills, political
director of
NARAL, because of the possibility of a retirement on the Supreme Court.
"That has to be
our top, top priority."
Wellstone, who broke a vow to term-limit himself because, he says, the
balance of power
in the Senate is too close for comfort, has launched a barn-burning populist
campaign. He
is delighted to run against the Administration. "The President has come,"
he said in a recent
speech, "the President's father has come. The President's mother is going
to be coming,
and Vice President Cheney has come a couple of times, and he'll be coming
back."
"This race is going to be a test case for the Democratic Party nationally
of whether you
can run as a progressive on a progressive agenda, unabashedly, and win,"
says Wellstone's
campaign manager, Jim Farrell.
If Wellstone wins, it might prompt a bigger progressive revival. Democrats
stand a real
chance of holding their majority in the Senate and winning the six seats
they need to take
over the House this year. Ever since Eisenhower, in the first midterm elections
after a new
President takes office, the party that doesn't control the White House
picks up seats.
The big challenge will be taking the next step, not just opposing the worst
aspects of the
Bush agenda, but pushing forward some progressive ideas of their own. If
the Democrats
don't manage to do that, look out for those wild card candidates from Minnesota.
-- Ruth Conniff is the Political Editor of The Progressive.